
'-■'.?" tyA),.gu3UKi Ha:^«'-^ ' 




LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE; 

OS, 



jfe 0f 







OR, 




BY 



EMILY HAZEN REED. 



Snatch from the ashes of your sirea 

The emblems of their former fires, 

And he who in the strife expires, 

Will add to theirs a name of fear 

That tyranny will quake to hear. — Byron. 



0- ^ ifb 

WM. P, TOMLINSON, 39 NASSAU STREET, 

1868. 




Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year one tnousand eight hundred 

and sixty-eight, by 

WM. P. TOMLINSON, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Southern 

District of New York. 



TO THB 

MEMORY OF THE PATRIOTS 

SACRIFICED 

UPON THE ALTAR OF FREEDOM, 

THIS BOOK 

IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED 

BY 

THE AUTHOR. 



"Give me the death of those 

Who for their country die, 

And oh ! be mine like their repose, 

When cold and low they lie ! 

There loveliest mother earth 

Enshrines the fallen brave, 

In her sweet lap who gave them birth 

They find the tranquil grave." 

\^Montgomery. 



PREFACE. 



" Will the cause of Liberty suflfer through me, because my 
enemies misinterpret my acts and sayings ? " said the dying 
Dostie. 

That the Cause for which thousands have fallen may be pro- 
moted, some of those noble " acts and sayings," have been 
recorded in the following pages, to be preserved as sacred 
mementoes by the friends of Republican Liberty, who will 
cherish the patriotic acts and liberal sentiments of one of their 
standard-bearers in the cause of Universal Freedom. 

That the weapons of truth may pierce the hard hearts of 
traitors and conspirators — who were " all forgiven " by their 
dying victim — some of the events connected with the life of a 
patriot and martyr have been narrated. 

That the prominent events relating to " The Conflict in New 



PREFACE. VIU. 

Orleans" between Slavery and Freedom — between Despotism 
und Republicanism, may find a place in the history of the 
Great Rebellion, those events have been recorded in the work 
before the reader. 

New York, April 24, 1868. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

EARLY LIFE OF DOSTIE, - - - - - - 13 

CHAPTER n. 

DOSTIE'S removal to new ORLEANS, - - - - 17 

CHAPTER III. 

DOSTIE's departure FOR THE NORTH, - - - 20 

CHAPTER IV. 

NEW ORLEANS BEFORE GEN. EUTLER's ARRIVAL, - - 31 

CHAPTER V. 
butler's military rule in new Orleans, - - 39 

CHAPTER VI. 

return of DOSTIE to new ORLEANS, - - - - 41 

CHAPTER VII. 

public schools of new ORLEANS, - ... 45 

CHAPTER VIH. 

THE CHURCHES OF NEW ORLEANS, - ... 55 



X. CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IX. 

DR. DOSTIE's activity IN THE UNION CAUSE, - - 58 

CHAPTER X. 

DOSTIE's POLITICAL VIEWS, ------ 61 

CHAPTER XI. 

CHANGES OF MILITARY COMMANDEKS IN NEW ORLEANS, 81 

CHAPTER XII. 

LOUISIANA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OP 1864, - 101 

CHAPTER XIII. 

DOSTIE AS AUDITOR OF STATE, 105 

CHAPTER XIV. 

DOSTIE AND DURANT, - - - . - - -110 

CHAPTER XV. 

LOUISIANA CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS IN 1864, - - 125 

CHAPTER XVI. 

DOSTIE AND BARKER, - - 136 

CHAPTER XVII. 

GOVERNOR HAHN, 155 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN, ------- 161 

CHAPTER XIX. 

PUBLIC CONFIDENCE IN ANDREW JOHNSON, - - - 175 

CHAPTER XX. 

GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED BY GENERAL CANBY, - 188 

CHAPTER XXI. 

DOSTIE's CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON, - - - - 209 



CONTENTS. XL 

CHAPTER XXn. 

REBEL LEGISLATURES, - - 233 

CHAPTER XXni. 

SCHOOLS, CHURCHES AND FREEDMEN's BUREAU, - - 238 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

DOSTIE NOMINATED SURVEYOR OF THE PORT, - - 245 

CHAPTER XXV. 

DOSTIE'S loss op CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON, - - - 248 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

MONROE RE-ELECTED MAYOR OP NEW ORLEANS, - - 277 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

CALL FOR A CONVENTION, 286 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 
MASSACRE OP JULY 30th, 186G, ----- 303 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

DR. DOSTIE'S DEATH, ------- 312 

CHAPTER XXX. 

CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS, 331 

APPENDIX. 

CONGRESSIONAL REPORT, 345 



LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE; 



The Conflict of New Orleans. 



CHAPTER I. 



EARLY LIFE OF DOSTIE, 



Anthony Paul Dostie was boi*n at Saratoga, New 
York, on the 20th of June, 1821. His father was of 
French descent ; his mother was of German. His an 
cestry did not descend like that of the Marquis de 
Lafayette from the French nobility, nor from the Ger- 
man aristocracy, like that of the Baron de Kalb ; but the 
same enthusiastic love of liberty, which animated those 
heroes of the first American Revolution, burned in the 
soul of Dostie during the conflict between republican 
liberty and slavery, which ended in the triumph of 
Freedom in the Second American Revolution. 

The father of Dostie was a barber by trade. He was 
an honest, industrious man, of vigorous, but unculti- 



14 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE, 

vated intellect. Ho was a marked character where he 
lived, noted for his independent bearing, and fearless- 
ness ni)on all occasions, and respected for his native 
good sense. 

His mother is remembered for her goodness of heart, 
and indnstrious habits. These qualities she impressed 
upon her mimerous family, who are all useful American 
citizens and loyal to republican principles. 

The childhood of Dostie was not remarkable for 
striking events. His education was limited to the ad- 
vantages of a common public school. Said he, in speaking 
of those school days, "I was then a lover of the cause 
of liberty, and often stole away from my companions, 
to study the lives of those who were devoted to the 
cause of Freedom. 

Generosity of soul, love of liberty, and hatred of 
oppression characterized the early history of one who 
was subsequently destined to be a conspicuous victim 
to the power of oppi-ession. 

The intellectual germs implanted in the progressive 
mind of Dostie were retarded in their development by 
the influences of his surroundings. Like many of our 
self-made men, which American history delights to 
recognize as the upholders of her republican institu- 
tions, Dostie, at a period in his life, when his proud 
spirit longed to be free from every engagement but that 
of intellectual culture, was restrained by poverty, and 
compelled to work for his daily bread, in a barber's 
shop. 

Amei'ica proudly boasts that, upon her historical re- 
cord, the names of her noblest heroes and martyrs have 
not always been taken from the ranks of high-born avis- 



EAllLY LIFK OF DOdTlE. 15 

tocracy, nor from that chiyalric band, whose boast has 
ever been " That power and wealth must be the pass- 
port to honor," 

Pure republicanism exalts her patriots, cherishes tlicm 
for their principles, independent of the accidents of birth, 
forgetful of their nationality or origin in contemplation 
of their humanity. 

In his nineteenth year, Dostie was mai-ried to a lady 
from Cazenovia, New- York, (Miss Eunice Hull), of un- 
common beauty and high intellectual attainments. She 
Avas the idol of his heart. Said he, " From the moment 
my Love possessed my affections, it became my study 
to become the worthy companion of my beautiful and 
intellectual wife. I often studied until two o'oclock in 
the morning, and recited the lessons I had learned to 
the one who sympathized with me in every hope and 
sorrow. Six years this sacred relation continued, and 
then my domestic happiness ended. She died, and with 
her were buried my aft'ections ; since then my heart has 
been buried beneath the tomb." 

About the period of his marriage he went to Amster- 
dam, New York, where he gave his attention to den- 
tistry. He studied his profession in the office of Dr. J, 
C. Duell, who thus speaks of him : — " During the resi- 
dence of Dr. Dostie in Amsterdam, he spent all his 
leisure time in study, and improved his qualities of mind 
and heart to an almost unprecedented degree, becoming 
one of the leading men of the town." 

lu the society of Odd Fellows, of which he was a 
member, he passed the " Chief Executive Chair " at an 
early day. Ever faithful in attendance upon the sick, 
as assistance was required, he will be remembered by 



16 T.IFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

all who knew him, as one foremost in every good Avorlc. 
In the profession he had ehosen, lie became a proficient, 
and niigraled to Chicago to pursue his calling in a 
hi-oader field. From thence he went to Marshall, Mich- 
igan, where he spent a few years, usefully to himself and 
to society. He visited Amsterdam occasionally, and was 
always greeted warmly by hosts of friends. His last 
visit was during the dark days of the rebellion. Upon 
being called upon to address a meeting convened for the 
purpose of raising volunteers, he was enthusiastically 
greeted, and proved of great assistance in revealing the 
true state of affairs in the South, 

He was a man of extensive reading ; was possessed of 
a remarkable memory, and carefully criticised everything 
of importance in his reading. Ilis nature was genial. 
He was facinating in conversation, and made friends and 
admirers wherever he went. 

The life of Dr. Dostie in Chicago and Marshall was 
quiet and imeventful. His time was principally divided 
between his profession and his studies. Active and in- 
dustrious in all his undertakings, he was marked by the 
thoughtful among his friends, as one preparing for a 
career of usefulness 



DOSTIE's removal to new ORLEANS. 1*7 



CHAPTER II. 

"DOSTIE's removal to new ORLEANS. 

In 1852, Dr. Dostie removed to New Orleans, where 
he was known for years as a popular dentist, and a gen- 
tleman of refinement. He was beloved for his upright 
and benevolent character ; admired for his energy and 
ability, and respected for his love of justice and high 
sense of honor. 

At this period of his life he was a man of commanding 
figure, and nobly marked features. His habitual expres- 
sion was sad and thoughtful, and indicative of strong 
will, noble impulses and benevolent action. In man- 
ners, he was gentlemanly and winning. His frankness 
and gentleness combined, endeared him to a large circle 
of friends in New Orleans, who dreamed not that the 
storms of Rebellion would transform their gentle friend 
into " the turbulent agitator." 

As the time approached when the friends of liberty be- 
came known as antagonists to the mass of the Southern 
people, who were wedded to Slavery and its offspring 
— the Rebellion, a few in New Orleans, dared to 
express their hatred to treason and oppression. Con- 
spicuous among that number was Dr. Dostie, who stood 
above a volcano of wrath, and defied the rebellious ele- 
ment that threatened the lives and happiness of those 



18 LIFE OF A, P. DOSTIE. 

who cherished republican principles. Said Dr. Dostie, 
at a time in the history of the rebellion when in New 
Orleans such words Avere considered Avoithy of death 
by the popular verdict, " I hate no human being, but 
rebellion to republican principles I Avill never cease 
to denounce in bitter terms. Principles rise superior to 
men in this conflict between freedom and slavery, and 
1 would rather see every human being wiped out from 
the Southern States, than to behold the triumph of 
treason." Such firmness of principles, strength of virtue, 
and force of mind, exhibited in the face of rebel ven- 
geance at an early period in the Rebellion marked Dostie 
a victim to be selected from the revolutionary arena of 
Louisiana. 

The patriotism and loyalty of Dr. Dostie changed his 
numerous friends to enemies. His popularity was sacri- 
ficed before his honesty of soul, and devotion to his Gov- 
ernment. Said a rebel (once a friend of the Dr.'s) " Dostie 
has elements in his character, that might make him the 
most popular of men, but he has not the most remote 
idea of policy." Said a friend of Dr. Dostie's, "During 
the war I was one day walking with him, when one 
of the lady principals of a Seminary in ,New Orleans 
passed ns. She cast upon us a look of contempt, so 
marked that I said to the Dr., "Is that an enemy of 
yours ?" He replied, " She is a lady of intellect and 
refinement, of whom I was once proxid to say, ' she is my 
friend,' but with a host of old friends, she foUoAvs trea- 
son, and, judging from her manner, I must say ' she 
numbers herself among my enemies.' " 

Ex-Mayor Monroe says of him, " Dr. Dostie was my 
friend. He was master of the Masonic Lodge for years 



DOSTIe's removal to new ORLEANS, 19 

to which I belonged. He was an honest Union man, a 
faithful, candid, conscientious friend." He should have 
added, and for those virtues I used my power to 
murder him. " My friend," said Monroe, when the stem, 
just eye of Shellabarger and an Elliot were fastened 
ui:)on him, in December, 1866. _ But in 1860-61. and 
July 30th, 1866, " My victim." 

It is in the tempest of revolution that the inexorable 
will, boldness and courage of men like Dostie appear to 
excite traitors to villainous deeds of murder. His daring 
sj^mt, patriotic fire, and undymg love for the Union made 
him a conspicuous mark for the venomovis darts of those 
who bid defiance to his cherished principles. 'i 

" Dostie shall be hanged, or bow his pi'oud head to 
treason's yoke," were the words of the conspirators, who 
acknowledged Jefierson Davis then* leader, and his mur- 
derous policy, their rule of action. 



20 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 



CHAPTER m. 

dostie's departure for the north. 

On the 21st of August, 1861, refusing to take the oath 
of allegiance to the Southern Confederacy, Dostie left 
New Orleans and went to Chicago. Said he, " when I 
arrived in Chicago I had no means at my command. De- 
prived of my home and business, I was sad and gloomy. 
As I retired to my room for the night and reflected iipon 
my future prospects, the darkness of despair seemed to 
gather around me. In the midst of this gloom, some- 
thing seemed to whisper to me, " This revolution convul- 
sing our country is Liberty stiniggling for justice and 
right. The thought of my repinings made me ashamed 
of my selfish fears. I trusted in an arm of power; com 
posed myself to sleep, and awoke ready for action." 

Surrounded by difliculties, which would have appalled 
a common mind, Dostie was cheerful and hopeftil. For 
a moment a flash of despair, may have caused him to 
utter an expression of woe, but by an effort of his power- 
ful Avill despondency was quickly cast from him. He was 
seldom heard to complain of any misfortune, but with a 
calm philosophical resignation, he could smile at woe ; 
defy the powers of despotism, and look with contempt 
upon the indignities ofiered to himself and his friends by 
the enemies of his government. 



dostie's departure for the north. 21 

In Chicago, he watched the progress of events connect- 
ed with the revolution with intense interest. What 
hours he could spare from his business, were devoted to 
readmg and correspondence with friends in diiferent 
parts of the Union in relation to the great conflict agi- 
tating the nation. 

Li a letter at that time, he said, " I would gladly sacri- 
fice my life if by so doing I could render assistance to 
the sacred cause of Liberty," — little knowing that des- 
tiny had reserved his life for just such a sacrifice. 

The following letter to Dr. J. C. Duell, expresses the 
patriotic love for the Union ever manifested by Dr. 
Dostie : 

My Very Dear Friend^ — Your letter, so kind towards 
me personally, and so loyal and patriotic to our grievously 
wronged country, was received in due course of mail. I 
might ofier good and valid reasons for not having writ- 
ten sooner, but to do so would consume too much space, 
and I trust to your kindness to excuse the omission. 

" You tell me that you and other friends supposed that 
' most probably I was in the rebel army.' You and my 
other friends never more misjudged a character than in 
thus judging of mine. Ascribe to me, if you choose, all 
the crimes in the criminal calendar, but never the dark, 
atrocious and damning sin of treason. My manhood is 
immaculate against it. After my God, I love my coun- 
try most — her freedom-breathing inspirations — the mem- 
ory of her immortal defenders — their glorious battles 
for the achievement of man's liberty, freedom and equal- 
ity. All personal considerations are rendered contempti- 
ble in the mere comparison. I have watched the progress 
of the great treason with the most painful interest. I 



22 LIPE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

saw it approacliing when it appeared as but a little 
cloud, that a fearless patriot of Jackson's stamp might 
have dispelled before it assumed such great pi-oi^ortions. 
Such a man could have prevented the fratricidal war by 
exj^osing the deceptive and villainoiis schemes of dema- 
gogues and monsters, who would build up and agrandize 
themselves on the ruins of liberty, and visiting them 
with the traitor's punishment ere they had succeeded in 
beguiling the peoj^le so far in their treason. 

" During the presidential campaign there was little or 
no disunionism publicly avowed. All joined in disavow- 
ing the criminal intent. Speakers were interrogated, and 
great and small either avowed that the election of Lin- 
coln would not constitute sufficient cause for dissolving 
the Union, or they evaded the question. The mass of the 
people were as loyal to the old flag as they were any- 
where in the North, until the few powerful conspirators 
sprung their coup cV etat upon them. Amazement and 
consternation ensued, and the terrific struggle began. 
Disunion and Union meetings Avere nightly held in the 
city of New Orleans. The Breckenridge politicians and 
their followers attended the disunion meetings. The 
union meetings were more attended by the moral and 
intellectual class of the community, including many who 
had been but little known, or not known at all, as poli- 
ticians. The former were addressed by men of no stand- 
ing or character, the latter by such men as Kandall 
Hunt, Christian Roselius, Thomas J. Dui*ant, and Pierre 
Soule. Unionism assumed a bold front, and little fear 
was entertained for the State of Louisiana until the Rev. 
Dr. Palmer sacriligiously preached disunionism from hi;; 
pulpit. Then the parricides assumed a courage and coi> 



dostie's departure for the north. 23 

fidence fearful in its influence for evil. At their meeting 
held in Odd Fellows' Hall, they substituted the bust of 
the great traitor, John C. Calhoun for that of Washing- 
ton, the pelican flag for the ' ensign of the Republic,' 
and instead of the ' Star Spangled Banner ' an imitation 
of the French ' Marseillaise ' was sung by a young girl 
dressed and decorated as the Goddess of Liberty. The 
revolutionists themselves wore blue cockades. 

" Their speeches were made up of wild invectives and 
denunciations against the North and everything north- 
em. The union was mn-sed as a leprous sore. The gath- 
erings of the Unionists continued until the ' Convention 
election,' when, having done their utmost to wrest the 
State from the conspirators, they ceased their meetings 
and active opposition. Unlike their adversaries they 
were unarmed and powerless. The ofticial result of the 
election in the State was never published. That portion 
of the press which supported the cause of the Union con- 
tended that the result was opposed to secession and in 
favor of ' co-operation,' and demanded the pviblication 
of the ofiicial vote. But the demand was refused, and 
to this day the public does not know what the people's 
verdict was. The convention met at Baton Rouge, and 
with closed doors passed the infamous act. The event 
was announced by telegraph and the firing of cannon, 
and was variously received by the people. Some re- 
joiced, but thousands cried ' shame !' and foreshadowed 
in their faces the gloom that was to envelope them and 
that beautiful country. 

" Down to this lamentable 26th of January, I scarcely 
knew a man possessing social or commercial standing, 
who did not mourn the posture the State had assumed, 



24 LIFE OF A, P. DOSTIE. 

and feel the most unhappy forebodings. Soon a reign 
of terror was inaugurated ; liberty of speech was pro- 
scribed. He was considered a bold and rash man who 
still advocated the cause of his country. There were 
still many who were thus bold. Men were daily arrested 
and imprisoned for expressing the Union sentiments of 
our fathers. My assistant, Dr. Metcalf, from Kalamazoo, 
Michigan, was incai'cerated in a loathsome prison, as 
early as last April, for asserting that he believed ' Lin- 
coln would shell Charleston and cut the levees of New 
Orleans, if necessary to the enforcGnient of the laws, and 
the maintenance of the integrity of the Union.' As soon 
as he was released he fled to the land of liberty. Thou- 
sands were driven away by the terrorism. Sojourners 
and citizens that had the means, left rather than com- 
promise theii- manhood. Thousands there were who 
were anxious to leave, but had not the means to do so. 
Language cannot describe the mental and jihysical dis- 
tress that existed in that community Avhere a few months 
before they had been so happy, prosperous and con- 
tented. General bankruptcy of the business men, and 
destitution of the mechanical and laboring classes fol- 
lowed. Clerks, artisans and laborers were forced to join 
the rebel army for the support of themselves and their 
families, and thousands were kept from starvation by 
scanty supplies from the 'Free Market,' that was es- 
tablished as early as June last. 

" The accounts published in our newspapers of the 
trials and persecutions of men and women who still liave 
a lingering love for the Union are not overwrought jdIc- 
tures. These miseries are more than the pen can de- 
scribe, I left last September ; and if such was the condi- 



dostie's depaktuke for the noktii, 25 

lion of tilings then, you may imagine for yourself how 
much more aggravated their sufferings must be now. 
The great majority of the people in the South, in my 
opinion, love the Union, and the dear associations that 
cluster around it. They were deceived and cheated by 
designing knaves, to whom, for years, they had given 
their confidence. 

" How fortunate was the escape of little Maryland from 
their clutches. The people of that State, protected by 
Federal arms, have, in their State election, spoken in 
tones of thunder for the old flag. Look at Missouri! 
IIoAV near the villains came to its jjossession ! Yet the 
undaunted heroism of a Lyon, a Fremont, a Ilalleck, 
with the determined valor of its true sons, saved it ; and 
now, letters to me from there, assure me tliere is a gen- 
eral joy felt and expressed for their deliverance. Look 
everywhere that our arms have reached for indubitable 
evidence of the loyalty of the down-trodden people. 

At Nashville, Tennessee, on my way from New Or- 
leans, I was imprisoned for expressions of loyalty. After 
my liberation many of the people grasped my hand in 
sympathy, and many of them openly told me that I was 
not alone in the entertainment of such sentiments, that 
thousands in Jackson's old State still loved and would 
yet ofter their lives for the old Union. These were and 
are still the sentiments of many thousands in the South, 
deprived of the liberty of speech and of freemen's rights. 
These observations are the result of an intimate ac- 
quaintance and knowledge of the people of that section. 
General Houston, of Texas, is said to have gone after 
the ' strange gods.' I do not believe in the truth of 
the statement.- He is an old man, the i-)rotege of Jack- 



26 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

/ 

son, and in a spcccli uttered the undying sentiment, — 'I 
M'isli no e|)it;ii)li to be ^vritten to tell that I surviA'ed the 
ruin of this glorious l^nion.' I believe that he could 
not prove recreant, and must be, as ever, for the Union. 
His position illustrates that of thousands. They may be 
crushed to-day, but Avill rise in turn and crush the I'cal 
invaders of their homes and despoilers of their liappi- 
ness. They were constantly under the threats of im- 
prisonment or of the bowie-knife and revolver, to intimi- 
date and aAve tliem into silence and submission. Those 
wlio v'iiuld not submit to the despotism Avere shot down, 
imprisoned, or compelled to Hee the country precipi- 
tately, leaving proj)erty, and in many instances, dear 
relations behind them. At the time of my departure, I 
was said to be the ' last publicly known ITnionist in the 
city,' the thousands of others were crushed and made to 
seeniinghj yield to the powers that be. Disgraceful and 
discreditable as it is, many from the North were among 
the most noisy and bitter enemies Unionists had to con- 
tend against. 3[en, who a year or more before Avere 
'Republicans' in the North, were now- spies and in- 
formers against citizens of the South, both native and 
adopted. JNIy persecutors were men Avho had l)een but a 
little wiiile there. Tl>e dearest and nearest friends I had 
were natives or long residents of the South. They 
urged me to leave because of the personal dangers that 
environed me. But to the credit of Northern virtue and 
])atriotic love for the Union, I was proud to witness 
that the great body of them left the country, and many 
are now heroically fighting the battles of Liberty. The 
feeling toAvards the Northern classes had been most cor- 
dially fraternal, until the election of Lincoln, when it 



DOSTIE'S DErARTUUE FOTt THE NORTH. 27 

became divided, but ns the elections on the 'secession 
qiiestion ' demonstrated, the great majority were still 
Union-loving and aftectionate towards us. Only two of 
the seceded States, South Carolina and Florida, gaA'e 
, positive Union majorities. The rest, by treachery and 
the boldness of the despotism, were declared out of the 
Union. If the sentiment of the people there was not 
divided, but like that of our revolutionary fathers, united 
in a holy cause, mightier armies and navies than we now 
command could not conquer or subdue them. They had 
not suflicient aggressions nor wrongs from our benefi- 
cient and just government, and were not threatened 
Avith any. They knew at the time of raising the stand- 
ard of rebellion, that admitting Lincoln Avould strive to 
encroach on their constitutional rights. Congress and 
the Supreme Court judges, were eminently conservative, 
and there were no cause for complaint or alarm. Had a 
score of men, whom I could name, been hung for trea- 
sonable speeches and acts, all the untold affliction which 
has since followed would have been obviated, and now 
we would be the same happy and great people we were. 
Having God and justice with our cause, and having 
ncA'cr designed nor done them wrong, we can and will 
prevent a broken Union. We v/ill again become a 
happy and united people, fulfilling our great destiny of 
establishing, not only on this continent but elsewhere, 
the liberty, equality and fraternity of mankind. Our 
armies and fleets will soon have reached the great ' Ci'es- 
cent City,' and I predict, its people will receive them 
with demonstrations of unaflfected joy. The advices re- 
ceived from there are enough to satisfy any rational 
mind, that they are only kept under by power. Even 



28 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

now the intelligence has come, that the first and second | 
brigades, including the Gardes cV Orle<nis, Avere called 
out and Gen, Beauregard's letter read to them, request- 
ing reinforcements in Tennessee. They sternly refused 
to go. Reflect ! Tlie Gardes d' Orleans consists, in 
o-rcat part, of Creoles, and yet they dared refuse the call 
of the great Creole general, Beauregard. ' Straws tell 
wliich way the wind blows.' So does this refusal tell 
that the love for this good old Union is not altogether 
extinguished in that noble city. The Avar Avill scarcely 
last months longer. Tlio leading traitors Avill flee and , 
liide their heads or be l)rought to the halter, as they 
richly deserve, and this Avork Avill be done Avith the as- 
sistance of many of the good people they have oppressed ' 
and trodden to the earth. {^ 

" AndrcAV Johnson — God bless him — is noAV in Tennes- 
see, commencing the glorious Avork of restoring the 
rio"hts of the people and punishing tlie traitors by the 
AUgorous arm of justice. Of my oavu trials and suffer- 
ings, I Avould rather not speak. Hundreds and thou- 
sands have suftered infinitely more. My property, my 
business, my happiness and contentment of life AA^ere 
wrecked. But I am happy in the consciousness that I 
never entertained a thought nor perpetrated an act of 
disloyalty to the Union and constitution of my country. 
I advocated the cause of the old flag on all proper occa- 
sions, and Avlien asked if I Avould take tlie oath of alle- 
giance to the o;oA'ernment of Riclimond to saA'c mv 
property and my liberty, I answered 'Xo, never!' 
Rather loss of liberty, life and all, l)efore any ])ortion of 
Washington's land should be scA'cred from Union and 
liberty. I was then told I must go. I was given by 



DOSTIE'S DEPAIITUEE FOR THE NOUTII. 29 

that worse than Arnold, General D. E. Twiggs, a pass, 
of wliic'h the following is a copy: 

'COXFEDERATE StATES OF AMERICA, 

Headquarters; Department Xo. 1. 
I New Orleans, 21st Angust, ISGl. 

I ' Dr. A, P. Dostie, a citizen of the city of Xew Orleans, 
State of Louisiana, wishes to return to New York nnder 
/ the Alien Law. AlloAV him to pass through the Con- 
) federate States. 
I 'D. E. Twiggs, 

Maj. Gen. Commanding.' 

" Two days afterward I departed from what had been 
my beautiful and genial home, to come wliere I could 
once more see the old banner Avave ' o'er the land of the 
free and tlie home of the brave.' For six months it liad 
been shut out of my sight. I felt during that time de- 
spondent and gloomy, and almost ashamed of being an 
American and not witli the battling hosts of my country, 
helping to raise that sacred ensign upon the parapets 
from which it had been so causelessly and ignominiously 
torn. I was resolved, if need be, to enlist, but thanks 
to the inborn patriotism of the people, I found on arriv- 
ing here, there was no lack or need of men. They have 
gone forth in plentiful numbers, unfaltering in tlieir de- 
termination to conquer back the Union, or die gloriously 
fighting for freedom's liope. We will not despair, the 
sky is brightening, the rainbow of happiness will soon 
appear. A little wliile and it will be visible, Avelcomed 
by the gladdened hearts of a glorious nation. 

' May God save the Union, grant it may stand 
The pride of our people, the boast of the land ; 
Still, still, 'mid the storm, may our banner lloat free, 
Unrent and unriven, o'er earth and o'er sea. 



30 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 



' May God save the ITnion, still, still may it stand, 
ITplu'ld fey the prayers of the })atriot l)and ; 
To cement it our fathers ensan^'uined the sod, 
To keep it we kneel to a merciful God.' 

"Truly yours, A. P. Dostie." 



NEW ORLEANS EEFOKE CEX. BUTLER S ARRIVAL. 



CHAPTER IV. 

NEW ORLEANS BEFORE GENERAL BUTLEE's ARRIVAL. 

February 24tli, 1SG2, General Butler said to President 
'. Lincoln, " We shall take New Orleans, or you will never 
I see me again." The object of the expedition, headed 
by the brave Butler, was known to but few, yet its 
I movements were watched by some Vvho anxiously hoped 
its object was the taking of New Orleans from the grasp 
\ of treason. Among that number was Dostie. 

New Orleans went more gradually into the vortex of 
Secession than other Southern cities. It contained, more 
1 of the elements of Unionism than any other city. 
When General Butler arrived in New Orleans, {"ew re- 
I mainod that had not been dragged into or become will- 
ing subjects to the poisonous influence, that made treason 
: a power so dangerous. None who were suspected of 
loyalty to the United States government, could live in 
'{ safety under its municipal government, unless they had 
been distinguished as aristocrats, slaveocrots, or politic 
men, — "men of chivalric positions" — -"men of pre-emi- 
nent standing," — " solid men of Southern States — men 
who had ever stood upon the broad platform of Slavery." 
These " were tolerated even with ostentation." Some 
of these pi'ivileged classes, cast a penetrating glance in- 
to the future of the Republic, and in that glance saw 



32 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

written upon the walls of their cherished institutions, 
" Death to Slavery ;" saw engraved thereon with tlie 
pen of truth dipped in tlie blood of tliousands, " LTxiojjj j 
Liberty, Equality." 

Poor patriots, who had dared to utter sentiments of 
loyalty, had been banished by Confederate law. A few 
remained who were reserved upon all political subjects 
— whose pent up devotions to the Union struggled for 
utterance, and who waited with trembling hope the arri- 
val of the United States forces. 

Pierre Soule, " the silver-tongued " and iluent Union 
orator of 18G0, had stooped from his loyal eminence, and 
in 18G2, was in the vile ranks of Secession, and in sym- 
pathy witli the Mayor, Common Council and other city 
officials, noted for their rebellious acts. 

Thomas J. Durant was classed among " the persons of 
pre-emiuent standiug who were tolerated even with os- 
tentation." His wealth, aristocracy, and above all his 
policy, was in harmony with Southern chivalry. A pro- 
minent Slaveholder, his known sentiments on the subject 
of Slavery M'ore a passport in his favor— even with those 
who suspected that he did not coincide with their disu- 
nion movements. Durant seldom committed an impoli- 
tic act. There Avas policy in retaining the friendship of 
Southern men of intluence, Avealth and position. Ilis 
slave property was in danger. In the midst of the Pebel- 
lion he therefore complained for himself and his friends 
in a letter, whicli was sent to President Lincoln, "That 
in various Avays tlic i-elation of master aud slave was 
disturbed 1)y tlie i)resencc of the Federal ai-my, and 
that this, in part, was done under an Act of Congress." 
Said President Lincoln, in writing of Durant and his 



NEW ORLEANS LEFORE GEN. BUTLER'S ARRIVAL. 33 

[letter, " The paralizer — the dead palsy of the Government 
\in the whole struggle, is that the Diirant class of men 
will do nothing for the Government — nothing for theni- 
Iselves except demanding that the Government shall not 
[strike its enemies lest they be struck by accident." 

Suddenly the politic Durant recognized the result of 
[the Revolution, and became a Radical in Negro Suifrage; 
.pointed to President Lincoln in the back-ground, reprc- 
'sented himself as standing upon the pinnacle of Radical- 
(ism ; denouncing the slow movements of his superior, in 
,the great princijjles of Liberty. 

In 18G0-G1, none perceived that Durant, who had 
'" rested so calmly beside the throne erected to Slavery," 
Avould so soon become the champion of radicalism. He 
belonged to that class of men who, incapable of contend- 
ing Avith aroused elements, model themselves upon the 
epoch in which they live ; assume the individuality of 
the crisis, personifying the popular idea, Avhatevcr it 
may be. 

Christian Roselius, Avas classed among " the solid men 
of Southern Status." Destiny had given him the expe- 
rience of age, that he might dissect the rotten carcass 
Avhich the Rebellion sought to A'italize. But he could 
not discern the con-uj^tion of SlaA'ery, and Avitli bold 
eloquence defended its j^rinciples. He became the learned 
advocate of slaA^e aristocracy, and the relied-upon 
\ a\'enger of radical abolition. EuAT'lopcd in his cloak 
of conservatism, he feared no thrusts from treason's 
Aveapons. During the dark days of rebel poAver in N"eAV 
Orleans, his A'oicc Avas heard exclaiming, " O, sirs, a fel- 
ioAV feeling makes us Avondrous kind." 

Conspicuous among the solid men of tliose times Avas 



34 LIFE OP A, P. DOSTTE. 

J. Ad. Rozier, Avhose antagonism to progress and liberty 
was more prominently exhibited than his patriotism] 
Said he, in one of his denunciatory sj^eeches of radical 
measures, " President Lincobi lias no right constitutionjl 
ally to trample upon the rights of even rebels against;!' 
the Government, and turn loose upon theni four millions , 
of slaves." Seizing the Constitution in one hand, hc| 
stamped bloody slavery upon it with the other, and 
vowed that " by the memories of Washington, Jefferson 1 
and Madison, conservatism should palsy the heart of ra- 
dicalism, if it attempted to subtract one iota from that 
Constitution." The history of Rozier is written by th^ 
radical pen of truth, who makes her foot-prints visible,) 
althouoh she wades throuo-h the blood of Revolution, (V 
massacre, and riot. Her record will mark the status oil 
true Union men who were not stamped with the crimson 
stains of Slavery's curse. 

These were some of the stars of the first magnitude 
that shone forth from the Union firmament in the Cres- 
cent City during the dark days of Secession. They were 
dark days indeed ! 

There were clusters of minor luminaries, which it were 
endless to delineate. There were some who, fearful of 
exposing their true principles, pretended to submit cheer- 
fully to tyranny and oppression. Said one of that num- 
ber, Michael Hahn, who ranked among the second of the 
classes described : 

" During the war there were three classes of Union 
men in the South. Some left for the North as soon 
as they could after the commencement of the war, 
and before the military lines were drawn. The second 
class remained in the South as long as they could, and 



NEW OHLEANri iJEFOUE GEX. liUTLElt's AKRIVAL. 35 

although their attachment to tlie Union Avas deep, and 
strong and heartfelt, and Avas knoAvn to each other, they 
nevertheless had the understanding that in all the mere 
outward displays, they would jiretend an accpiiescence in 
or approval of the Confederate Government. Some suc- 
ceeded in this course of deceiving the rebel mobs and 
ProvosI; marshals as to their real feelings up to the time 
when they were happily released from rebel bondage by 
the arrival of Federal troops. Others again, of the same 
olass, were detected in their movements as sympathizers 
with the Union, before the loyal troops could come to 
their aid, and were sent out of the Confederacy, like 
Flanders, Hubbard, Tewell, and others, of ISTcav Orleans, 
or were hanged or made to mysteriously disappear. 

"The third class consisted of such as never under any 
circumstances, or at any time even pretended to recog- 
nize the Confederate Government. I know of but one 
man in Louisiana who belonged to this class and who 
came ip fully and completely to this home standard. 
This man was Dr. Anthony P. Dostie. One day he was 
seen making his way through an ante-room crowded with 
confederates, into the office of the traitor Twiggs, whom 
he addressed in this manner : 

" ' General : Your superior, Jefterson Davis, has is- 
sued a proclamation which is published in this morning's 
papers, notifying all Union men, or alien enemies, as they 
are called, to leave the Confederate States for the North 
within a time specified. I consider myself as embraced 
within that proclamation. I am a Union man. I do not 
recognize the Confederacy, and as your superior has or- 
dered me lo depart from your military lines, I expect I 
shall bo protected in comj)lying with this order ; and I 



8G LIFE OV A. P. DOSTIE. 

liavc como to ("Icmaiid of you a pass enabling mc to go! 
North." 

" Twiggs cycil tlie man Avitli wonder, and for some timcl 
liesitated about granting the request ; but a perusal of 
tlic proclamation of Jetf. Davis, and of the Confederate 
law, on wliieh it was based, convinced him that he had 
no right to withhold the jiass. Armed with the paper 
furnished him l)y Twiggs, the noble Dostie left his home, 
his business and his propei'ty, and took the cars tor the 
ISTorth. His trip was not one of the most agreeable 
character: for on the route on exhibiting his pass to the 
military, his status, of course, became known, and he 
frecpiently receive 1 insults from mobs, and was even 
thrust into pi'ison, notwithstanding his pass from Gen. 
Twiggs. When he finally escaped from Dixie and reach- • 
ed Chicago, he wrote a letter wliich was published in : 
Xew York pai)er, giving a truthful account of what h< 
saw and heard Avithin the rebel lines. In this letter 
speaking of the heroic efforts of the Union men of Ten 
nessee to keep their State Avithin the Union, he exclaims : 
' God bless Andrew Johnson.' " 

Fear did not, however, prevent Ilahn on the Gth oi r- 
May, 18G0, at Lafayette Square, New Orleans, from \ 
offering the following resolution : I 

" JicaolreJ, That we the citizens of New Orleans, 
regardless of all the minor differences of opinion that 
divide the people of this country politically, are of 
one mind and one heart, in support of the Union of 
these States, and that as long as the Constitution 
of tlic 1 Republic and tlie laws enacted by Congress 
in accordance therewith can be maintained inviolate, 
as we confidently believe they can be, we shall re- 
gard with abhorrence all attempts to destroy the pa- 



NEAV OllLEAXS BEFOllE OKX. liUTLEll's ARRIVAL. 37 

itenial ligaments whicli bind the sovereign meniTl)ci-s of 
this glorious confederation ; and "\ve here solemnly 
pledge ourselves, one to the other, and all to our coun- 
try, to oppose all parties whose claims to public confi- 
llencc are in any manner identified Avith disunion senti- 
jments or designs, and to regard as enemies tolkcpuhlican 
liberty all who attempt to separate these States from the 
iUnion." 

The antagonism between slave aristocracy and liberal 
pi-inciples, Avas one of the conspicuous causes of the war. 
In 18C0-G1, the slave power ruled with a rod of oppres- 
jsion the entire South. Raising her potent hand she ex- 
claimed in demoniac tones, " Behold the destiny of 
liberty crushed by the power of despotism : She shall 
be buried beneath the corner-stone of the ' Confederacy,' 
and upon her ruins shall rise an empire devoted to 
Slavery." The great mass of Southern aristocrats cried 
out in their madness, " Let lis fall down and worship our 
idol — Human Bondage !" 

Thuc gery — oftspring of the " pet institution " — scru- 
tinized with a Avatchful eye all inovations, designated 
" reforms." Lucien Adams, chief of the Thugs in 
NcAV Orleans, protected Avith the bowie knife and pistol 
the interests of the devotees to the ruling poAver, and 
marked Avith his murderous eye the man A\-ho dared to 
Avhisper " reform." The Police were all Thugs. "Assassi- 
nation " Avas their AvatcliAVord. Their record is marked 
by tyranny, outrage and murder. Monroe, the Mayor of 
the city, given up to the worst features of slaveocratic 
laAV Avas the personification of Thuggery. A man of no 
moral principle or intellectual culture, he Avas just the 
magistrate required to legalize the crimes of a people 
given up to intrigue and conspiracy. A lover of faction 



38 



LIFE OP A. P. DOfiTIE. 



and anarchy, without tlie boldness to lead a mob, lii^ 
forte was to aeeoniplish l)y intrigue and cunning wha*^ 
lie could not accomplish by his infamous treason and de 
iiant manner. In his official capacity, he always had an 
excuse for crime, a smile for a traitor and a woixl of en-' 
couragement for his companions in rebellion. It was ar 
class of men like ]Monroe and Adams, that the nudtitudo^ 
followed. They possessed the true spirit of slavery. If' 
was sufficient for these instigators of riot to indicate a> 
spot on which to assemble, to create a panic, or infuse a 
Rudden rage in the breasts of the populace, and prepare, 
them for murderous action. 



BUTLKn's MII.ITAUY IIULE IX NEAV ORLEAXS. 39 



I CHAPTER V, 

' butler's military rule in new ORLEANS. 

' May 1st, 1862, is a memorable day In the history of 

(^New Orleans, On that clay, General Bntler gladdened 

f. the hearts of a patriot nation, and struck terror into re- 

i bellion, by seizing the stronghold of Treason — the mc- 

1 tropolis of the South. Wlieu Lincoln said to the noble 

I Farragut, " Go with the fleet to New Orleans, and to the 

brave Butler ; take your troops to that rebellious city ;" 

he believed that the nation must be all free — that destiny 

had decreed the deatli of the national curse. 

" Sweep from the waters of the Mississippi the foul 
Avorks of traitor liands," Avas the command of Fari-agut 
to liis brave men. Victory Avas theirs, and the Star- 
Spangled Banner floated in the breeze, and the national 
airs from an heroic band mingled Avith the music of the 
Avaters, in glad ])raises to freedom and loyalty. Farra- 
gut had struck the 1)1oav the Government required at his 
hands, and added a trophy to our naval laurels. Butler, 
as commander of the United States troops, Avas now to 
regulate the disordered elements, Avhich had made NeAV 
Orleans a tempestuous sea of revolt and anarchy. The 
harmonious action of the army and navy soon calmed 
the storms Avhieh tlireatencd to destroy the riotous city. 
The ncAvs of the great Union victory over treason's 



40 



LIFE OF A. V. DOSTIE. 



stroiigliold, was received with emotions of gratitude one 
joy, l)y men like Dostie and his excited companions wlu 
had lU'd from their genial liomes to escape death and op 
pression. 

Men of secession principles like the Rev. Dr. Palmer 
Avlio had sacreligiously ])reached disunion and slaverxj 
fiH)m tlieir })uli)its, vowed revenge upon Farragut, IJutler 
and the United States Government ; calling loudly upor 
the " Confederacy " to demolish the loyal army and na 
vy, demanding the head of the " Beast " Avho had mad<^i 
their Monroe tremble before the law of justice — silenceui 
the insults of rebel women, and made the outward signsl 
of secession unpopular in New Orleans. 

Mayor Monroe at first defied the commands of General 
Butler, but speedily brought to fear the iron will and 
just demands of his superior, he changed his course and 
sought by intrigue and hypocricy, to throw a veil over 
his duplicity, but the stern eye of the great criminal 
lawyer pierced his every motive. Laying his hand upon 
the traitor, he was conveyed to Fort Jackson, v/heiv he \ 
remained for months — not to rejx'iit of treasonable acts, 
but to plot future conspiracies. 

The Public Schools, the Churches and the Pebel wo- 
men of Xew Orleans, (all venomous in their treason) 
were made harmless for a time, by the firm rule of 
the subduer of tx'aitors. 



KETUKX OF DOSTIE TO XEAV ORLEANS. 41 



CHAPTER VI. 

RETURN OF DOSTIE TO XEAV ORLEANS. 

The Star-Spangled banner waving under the command 
of Farragut and Butler, invited Unionists from all parts 
of the country to seek protection imder its folds. 
Among the number who came, was Dr. Dostie. His 
arrival in ISTew Orleans was thus announced in the True 
Delta, of August 20th, 1862 : 

" Among the arrivals by the steamer was Dr. Dostie, 
an eminent dentist of this city, who was compelled to 
leave, last August, on account of his bold expressions 
of Union sentiment, Di, Dostie has been welcomed by 
a large circle of friends. He is a fluent and earnest 
speaker, and we hope, will be heard by our Union citi- 
zens at their meetings." 

When Lafayette and the Baron de Kalb stepped upon 
Liberty's soil after a tedious voyage of months, they 
miitually swore to conquer or die in the contest upon 
which they Avere entering. That noble resolve was 
prompted l)y their true love of liberty. It was the 
same sjiirit which led the patriotic Dostie to exclaim, 
" I have come back after one year's absence from my 
loved home, to die for the cause of liberty, if by such 
sacrifice it shall receive one impetus." From that time 
his life was a continued series of patriotic deeds and 
self-sacrificing acts. Aug. 21st, 1SG2, just one year ft'om 



42 LIFE OV A. P. DOSTIE. 

tlio (lay lie left the government of Jefferson Davis and 
the command of Gen. Twiggs, he addressed a Union 
meeting in Xew Orleans, xmder the Government, claim- 
ing Ahraham Lincoln as its Chief Execntive, and Gen- 
eral IJutler as its military commander. 

The llev. 3[r. Duncan — President of the Union meet- 
ing addressed by Di'. Dostie, Aug, 21st, 1SG2 — was to the 
cause of the Union, what Dr. Palmer was to the cause 
of Rebellion, Both Avere men of superior intellect. ]>ot]i 
Avere iu a position to exert an immense influence, either 
for good or evil — for a IJepublican Government, or a 
Slave Despotism, Dr, Duncan loving his Church next 
to his God, tore himself from its rebel influence, pro- 
claiming amidst persecution and insult, his devotion to 
his Govenmient, the Union, and Liberty. An exile 
from his Church, his family, and the society oiice dear 
to liim, liis mental anxiety and ])rotracted labors 
were }nore than his delicate constitatiou and sensitive 
nature could endure. lie died — a mariyr to the sacred 
cause he liad so cherished. A sliort time before his 
death he said, "There is no one who can .'ippreciate my 
Union sentiments, and the sufterings I ha\e endured 
for the beloved cause of liberty so well as my friend 
Dostie," 

Dr, Dostie was never an oi'ator. Yet he ])0ssessed the 
elements which constitute true oratory. He had never 
cultivated those i)Owers, and never acquired that (o;;!- 
mand of strong and ap})r(>pnate language, which is an 
essential quality of a popular speaker. l>ut he possessed 
the fiix\ spirit, the enchanting Avildness, and magnificent 
irregularity of the true orator's genius, combined with 
judgment, iinagination, sensibility, taste and expression. 



KETUnX OF DOSTIi: TO XEW OKLEAX.0. -< 3 

Discipline ^vould have made lum an effective, graceful 
and popular orator. The cneniico of Dostie have jiro- 
nouneed him a fanatical, reckless and thoughtless agi- 
tator. Yet his life proves him a deliberate, philoso- 
phic and thoughtful man — ever sincere, honest and 
truthful. 

tSaid lie to a friend, "I have ahvays been in the h;ibic 
of spending half my nights in reading, studying the 
works of philosophers, our standard poets, and best 
Avriters. It is one of the great pleasures of my life to 
commune in the silent hours of the night vrith there 
noble minds, who have left us their vrritings to cherish." 
His patriotism was based upon philosophical principle s 
and profound reason — not upon lanaticism. The great 
purpose of his life, expressed in his every act, was to 
assist in upholding a truly licpublican Government. 
Oppression, despotism and treason he dared oppose, even 
at the risk of life and property. Iliii defence of hu- 
manity and freedom; his lowly birti., liis poverty, and 
above all, his out-sjwken h.atred to tlie rJjellion made 
him the object of marked dislike v.ith tlio solid men of 
Xew Orleans, who like Roselius, llozier and Barker, 
watched with jealous eye their superiors iu patriotism, 
humanity and reform, and delighted to style them, 
" fanatic." 

Surrounded by bitter enemies, determined to crush the 
fearless Dostie, wo yet fmd him a power, rising supericv 
to his enemies. At all the Union meetings, Association;; 
and Leagues established in the Crescent City, he was a 
prominent worker in his beloved cause, braA'ing e\ery 
hatred and malice. In the midst of tlicse hibor;; he 
often received anonymous notes warning him to pre- 



i,i 



44 LIFE or A. p. DOSTIE. 

pare for death, filled sometimes with scandal of the 
lowest order. To these he never paid any attention, f;o 
entirely absorbed was lie in the great events by which 
he was surrounded. 



runLIC SCHOOLS OF XEW OIILEANS. 45 



CHAPTER VII. 

PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF NEW OKLEAXS. 

Before General Butler's arrival in Ncav Orleans, the 
virus of treason animated all tlic Public Schools of 
that city. Tlic Board of Education, the Superintendent 
and Trustees, Avitli l)ut few exceptions, conspired to 
infuse the deadly poison of treason into the minds of 
the youth everywhere in their charge, 

Wm. O. Rodgers was the Superintendent of the Public 
Schools in New Orleans, when the United States Gov- 
ernment was treated with contempt by the scholars 
under his charge. Two months before General Butlers 
arrival in New Orleans, at a public examination in one 
of the schools, the black Hag was hung upon the walls 
Avith the Avords Avorked in Avhite, " V\q. ask no quarters 
and grant none." A rebel paper in that city thus com- 
mented upon these emblems : — " Strangely ajipropriatc 
emblems for our schools — the best in the Confede- 
racy." Such Avere the institutions of learning under 
the secession epidemic. Treason had become a poAver 
Avhich defied the United States GoA'crnment, and the 
thousands, Avho daily assembled^at the Public Schools, 
were taught to insultingly flaunt the flag of Secession 
in the faces of the United States ofticers, Avho Avere in 
ISTcAV Orleans to protect Republican GoA'crnnient. These 



46 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTID. 

treasonable teachers soon perceived, thr.t their rliip of 
rebellion must phmgc beneath tlic Avaves '1' tlic contest 
in which they had so proiidly embarked, and tliat the 
helm they had attempted to grasp, had ])assed into the 
hands of one fully capable of subduing defiant traitors. 
]5utler quickly discoA'ered the necessity (;f purifying the 
public scliools from the corru])ti()n of rebellion. 

Rogers fled before the stern justice of ]>utler into a 
confederate retreat. The Board of Education, Avliich had 
favored the " l>lack Hag" in the schools expired, not to 
be revivified Avhilst loyal men governed Xew Orleans. 
Union men, among whom Avere ])osli(>, Heath, Ilahn, 
Heine, Shupert, and Flanders "svero appointed to revolu- 
tionize the public schools. L. ]>. Carter Avas made the 
loyal superintendent. Dr. Dostic Avas the animating 
soul in that reformation, Avliose aA-oAveil Avork Avas to cx- 
tii-pate treason from those institutioi:s. It Avas a settled 
plan in Avhich all the loyal Board of li;ducati<^u harmon- 
ized, "That no symbol of treason should be permitted 
in the schools under their supervision." In ^Nfarch, 1.S63, 
the Board of Education adopted the folloAving resolu- 
tions : 

" Whereas, It is a rule of action in the education of 
youth, of universal acceptance that the inculcation of 
sound moral principle is no less important than intellec- 
tual culture : and, 

" Whcrec(s, The present lamentable state of our 
national affairs has loAA'ered the standard of public 
morals, and to a certain extent created disregard for 
those high obligations Avhich teach us to love our coun- 
try and its beneficent institutions : and, 

" Whereas, It is the duty of those to Avhom is entrust- 
ed the education of our youth to counteract the evil 
tendencies of the times, and to infuse into the minds 



PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF XEAV ORLEAKS. 47 

of tlicir pupils ideas in relation to public aftairs Avhich 
will be equally consistent -svith true patriotism and 
sound morality : therefore be it 

" liesolved^ That the teachers of the public schools be 
instructed, henceforth, to make the singing of patriotic 
songs, and the reading of appropriate passages from the 
addresses of patriotic men, a part of the business of each 
day, in the several departments of their respective schools." 

A few days after these resolutions were passed by the 
Board of Education, an invitation was given to the pub- 
lic, to assemble at the Madison School (where a few 
months previous the " black Hag " had been displayed) 
to Avitness the interesting ceremony of presenting a beati- 
tiful United States flag to the school. Upon that occasion, 
hundreds of childish voices greeted their friends with 
the national air, " Star-Spangled Banner," after vv'hich, 
seven little girls stepped xipon a platform and presented 
their flag to their school with the following address : — 
" AYe dedicate to the Madison School this " Star-Span- 
gled Banner," the eml)lem of our own dear native land, as 
a tribute to patriotism. Long, long may it wave over our 
school dedicated to union, science and libei*ty !" 

Dr. Dostie, on behalf of the Directors, addressed the 
school as follows : 

" Miss "Whitby, Principal ; Ladies, Teachers ; and you, 
Pupils of Madison School : 

" The scene witnessed by the friends of thorough and 
correct education to-day is destined to be long remem- 
bered. There can be no occasion of deeper interest to 
the lovers of the human race, its progress in education 
and advancement in true loyal patriotic sentiments, than 
now appears in the brilliant and most encouraging spec- 
tacle you have, by your noble and indefatigable extrdons, 



4S LIFE OF A. 1'. DOSTIE. 

wrought for the hopes of the lllxTty and freedom of our 
hind. 

"Here the youths of our city luive gathered for the 
culture and proper education of their minds and liearts 
in a correct knowU^lge of the various duties belonging to 
good and virtuous meml)ers of society. 

" As "we cast our eyes over this great Republic, be- 
queathed us by ' /?/>;i' whom envy dared not hate,' and 
behold the causeless and furious civil war now desolating 
our once peaceful, happy and glorious land, filling, as it 
does, the patriot's heart with terrible apprehensions for 
the future of this most sacred of gifts — self-government — 
to whom are we to look f(ir hope of salvation, but to you 
of this rising generation, e<lueated as, we pray the Father 
Oi" Nations you may b.', in the just and beneficent princi- 
ples of Eepublicanism, of unity, peace and fraternity. 
Tlien our dear country will not know the Arnolds, Burrs, 
Calhouns, or Davises any more. 

" Be therefore zealous in the acquisition of useful 
knowledge that you may distinguish truth from error, 
virtue from vice, and labor assiduously in disseminating 
these virtues, these duties, and God will bless and re- 
ward you with felicity here and heaven in the hereafter. 

" Trace thoughtfully the history of our immortal Wash- 
ington's school days — remember he could not Vie — that 
he lived and practiced all the pure and exalted virtues, 
thereby compelling the liigh culogium from mankind of 
being ' first in war, first in ])eace, and first in the hearts 
of his countrymen.' 

"The public schools of our nation should be the avenue 
to the education of all the various and manifold duties 
devolved upon the citizens of our great Commonwealth. 



PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF NEW OKLEAXS. 49 

They should be ti'easured as the corner-stone of the 
Republic — they were designed for the education and en- 
lightenment of the masses, in their duties to God, their 
country, and themselves; and Avhere they prevail and 
are encouraged, treason, rebellion, and their atrocious 
attendants are not knoAvn. 

"Had the youths of the rebellious portions of our coun- 
try been the recipients of the blessings of this munificent 
instittition, ' grim-visaged war,' Avith its concomitants- 
famine, pestilence and death, Avould not noAvbe blighting 
our once happy and homogeneous people — the land 
had not been jiierced by the murderous stabs of our 
brethren. 

" Let us, citizens, be in future tlic carolul and untiring 
guardians of this institution, pregnant Avitli such A'ast 
promises of good ; then the hydra-headed, execra- 
ble monster— Treason— Avill not again make parricidal 
thnists at our dearest mother, Avho for eighty years has 
nourished us Avith the delicious milk of Liberty, Free- 
dom and Fraternity. 

" N'ow, in behalf of loyal Louisiana and of the loyal 
United States, penuit me to introduce little Mary Mur- 
ray, and through this pure patriot, her four hundred 
associates, in belialf of loyal Americans cveryAAdicre, to 
thank them for the gift of tJiat ' gorgeous ensign of our 
Liberty Land.' That beautiful emblem of our glory and 
poAver ! that a Washington triumphantly bore through 
the revolutionary struggles ; that a Jackson Avon a halo 
of undying glory upon the Plains of Chalmette ; that a 
Taylor so heroically bore aloft at Buena Vista ; that a 
Scott rcA^eled Avithin the halls of the Montezumas ; that 
a Farragut carried by Forts Jackson and St. Phillip in a 



50 JAVK OF A. r. nosTiE. 

flamo of lightnino; ; tliat Butler, the indomital)](>, lui- 
fnrlod from tlio ramparts of our treason-hound empo- 
rium ; tliat ■will victoriously float over Liherty's Do- 
minions, Avhen the ' Stars and Bars' Avill be buried in 
oblivion. " 

This was the inauguration ceremony of a brilliant 
series of flag presentations, ■which ended in placing an 
American flag over every public school in New Orleans. 
The sight of the National emblem Avaving from the 
public institutions infuriated its enemies, who in their 
madness declared, " That their children should not be 
taught to love the United States Government." 

Dr. Dostie, the chairman of that committee which had 
drawn up the resolutions requiring the introduction of 
national aii's and patriotic sentiments in the schools, 
8ays, in his report to the Board of Education, " I have 
received communications from the principals of some of 
the schools, informing mo that many of their pupils 
luive risen in rebellion and refused to sing national 
airs as requested by their teachers. I am urged to use 
my influence in quelling this insubordination instigated 
by rebellious parents. Upon consultation with several 
members of the Board of Education, and finding that 
their views coincided with mine — that it was our dut}' to 
enforce the laws governing the institutions under our 
charge — I have informed the disobedient that the re- 
quirements were just, and therefore, irrevocable, and that 
if they persisted in their rebellion they must be expelled 
from the schools. Only three hundred of the eight 
thousand in attendance refused, and were expelled or 
■withdrawn from the schools." 

The followincf tcstimonv relating to the noble labors 



PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF XEW OKLEAXS. 51 

of Dostic in the cause of repiiblican education, is worthy 
to bo placed among; the historical records of those event- 
ful times when, in the liands of loyal educators, science, 
poetry, music, and flowers, coml)inc to make Unionism 
and the United States flag- popular in the lialls of educa- 
tion in Xew Orleans. The True Delta ^\\\xo\\^\ a cor- 
respondent says : 

" 3Ikssks. Editors : I ask the use of your columns to 
publish the following Avell deserved and highly flattering 
testimonial to the zeal and efliciency with Avhich that 
pre-eminently earnest Union man. Dr. A. P. Dostie, dis- 
charged his duties while a member of the Board of Visi- 
tors of the First District Schools. The public generally, 
in common with the School Board, feel keenly the retire- 
m.ent of so earnest a votary of true education. They 
indulge the hope, though, that the work of regenerating 
the public schools from the moral leprosy of treason, so 
happily inaugurated by the Doctor during the past year, 
may be contiimcd until there shall remain no youthful 
nnnd capable of retaining and receiving so unseemly a 
taint. * * * * * 

" BOARD OF VISITORS OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF THE FIRST 
DISTRICT. 

New Orleans, Sept. 15, 18G3. 

"At a regular meeting of the Board of Visitors of the 
First District Public Schools, held on the 14th inst., on 
motion of Mr. J. A. Noble, seconded by Messrs. Ilahn 
and Graham, the following resolutions Avere unanimously 
adopted : 

" Resolved, That the thanks of this Board be tendered 
to Dr. A. P. Dostie for his constant and well directed 
exertions in llie cause of education, Avhile a member of 
the Board of Visitors during the past year. 

" Resolved, That the labors of Dr. Dostie have, in the 



52 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

opinion of this Board, contributed, more than those 
of any individual towards restoring tlie public schools to 
k)yalty and patriotism, and tliat we regret his retirement 
from active co-operation with ns in our oflicial labors. 

" Jlesolved, That the Secretary be instructed to for- 
ward a copy of these resolutions to Dr. A. P. Dostie. 

" A true copy from the minutes. 

"F. O. SciiiiODEK, Secretary." 

Dr. Dostie's successful eftbrts in making treason odious 
in the public schools, made the enemies of tlie Union in 
XcAV Orleans rampant in propagating slander against his 
personal truth and superior excellence. But his patriotic 
achievements will l)ear exposure to tlie scorn of rebellious 
spirits, whose tenacious calumnies not only foHowed him 
through his hxbors in the public schools, but in all the re- 
forms wherewith his name was honorably associated. 
The extent of indignity to which Di-. Dostie Avas subject- 
ed, may be partially inferred from the following acrostic, 
one of the many low exhibitions of malice put forth to 
intimidate or prevent his exertions for libei-ty : — 

" All liail to thee. Dr. ! may'st thou always ]n-ove true, 
Patriotic and proud of the red Avhite and bhie ; 
Do all tliat thou canst for the ilag tliat once Avaved 
O'er the land of the free and the lionie of the brave. 
Stout hearts fight against it — tliey'll rally around : 
Tlic stars and ithe stripes they'll liaul to the ground ; 
In tlie dust they will trail it, and thee tliey will hang, 
Emancipating thy soul to where e'er it may gang." 

In the midst of such enemies, the voice of a friend 
reached the ear of Dostie, breathing a spirit in striking 
contrast to the foregoing. In the columns of the New 
Orleans True Delta, appeared the follownig lines, abcau- 
tilnl acrostical rejoinder to that of Ills enemies: 



PUBLIC SCIIOOT.S OF NEW OKLEAXS, 53 

" Amid the stunted forest trees, 
Perennial i^rows the stately oak, 
Defying; all the storm-kin cf's power. 
Or the fierce lightning's deadly stroke ! 
So thou, brave man, 'mid traitors' scorn, 
Traced the white flame of loyalt}' ! 
In dangers oft, 'mid threats of death. 
Ever the ' Friend of Liberty ! ' 
"New Orleans, Sep. 2, 1864. Una." 

An inquiry into the private seminaries and schools of 
New Orleans instituted by a Commission ajapointed by 
Major General Banks, Commander of the Department 
of the Gulf — of which commission Dr. Dostie Avas an 
active member — reveals the following then existins: 
state of things : 

" In many of the schools in this city, j^ersons are in- 
structing our youth who avow themselves " rebels " or 
" rebel sympathizers ! " And many others who show by 
their evasive manner of answering these questions, that 
their whole sympathies are Avith those now in armed re- 
bellion against our Government and shedding the blood 
of our countrymen ! And further, that these individuals 
are permitted to organize schools, teach our children 
and tacitly or oj^enly instill the poison of rebellion and 
treason into their "young minds ! The thing would seem 
impossible, but there the record of ficts stands, on their 
own confession — attesting to the impudent daring of a 
deed which is only exceeded in its violation of all that 
is right and honorable by the forbearance and magna- 
nimity of the Government against which rebels and 
rebel sympathizers are waging a suicidal war, and under 
whose flag these teachers are or have been quietly pur- 
suing their vocation." 



54 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

Said Dr. Dostie, in referring to that commission to 
visit, examine and report as to the character of the 
private schools of New Orleans — "I knew that iu that 
work I should meet some of my old personal friends, 
Avhicli tlie rebellion had made my enemies, and tliat the 
interview would not be a pleasant one. It was with 
no spirit of revenge or vindictive feeling that I ap- 
proached my former friends, but I Avill never shrink from 
the duty of exposing the work of traitors — not if all 
my fi-iends become my enemies." Dr. Dostie's unselfish 
acts often gained him the friendship of those who dif- 
ferred with him. Many of the most bitter rebels sjjcak 
kindly of his benevolent acts. When Mayor Monroe 
was imprisoned in Fort Jackson ; his wife, upon several 
occasions, requested Dr. Dostie to urge his influence 
with General Butler in her behalf. As she was left in 
destitute circumstances, lie went several times to the 
ofiice of General Butler to ask the favors she required. 
He also obtained a position in the public school for the 
daughter of Mayor Monroe. When told that he was 
rendering assistance to the family of a rebel, he replied, 
" Must the wife and daiighter sufl:er for the acts of the 
husband and father ? Bring me the proofs of treason 
and I Avill expose the perpetrators. 'They have assured 
me tliat tlicy cherish Union principles, and I have no 
reason to doubt their word. The charge of treason, 
said he, 'when it has a just foundation is a fital one, in 
my estimation, to personal character. In regard to that 
' crime of crimes,' I must not act upon suspicion, but 
upon evidence." 



THE CHURCHES OF NEW ORLEANS. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE CHURCHES OF NEW ORLEANS. 

The Churches of Kew Orleans are a strange part of 
the history of the rebellion. With the noble exception 
of the Rev. Wm. Duncan, the prominent clergymen of 
that city became Juclases — betraying their Saviour, then- 
Government. The names of Palmer, Leacock and Good- 
ridge, are written with pens dipped in blood upon the 
tombstones of thousands of misguided youths, who lis- 
tened to their eloquence in behalf of rebellion and 
slavery. The power of a Butler was again felt in New 
Orleans, when he laid his hands upon the heads of the 
Reverend traitors, and demanded of them obedience to 
the law. of the true Church, and the just laws of the 
Nation. 

Upon the refusal of the clergy to pray for the 
President of the United States, their Churches were 
ordered to be closed, until loyal ministers could officiate 
in their places. The ecclesiastical institutions of the 
South were a dangerous power in favor of despotism 
and rebellion. It was necessary to strike the Church 
from its foundation by the earthquake advance of re- 
form. It required men of the force of a Luther or a 
Cromwell, to blot out the disgraceful crimes which 
stained their statute books. Slavery had enveloped the 



56 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE. 

consciences of its ministers, and treason lay like a dark 
pall npon their guilty souls. That power in the Churches 
of New Orleans, that defied the United States Govern- 
ment, was temporarily overthrown by General Butler. 
Loyal Christian ministers were invited to fill the pul- 
])its of disloyal clergymen — men who would not advo- 
cate the divinity of slavery, bnt the charities of Chris- 
tianity. Soon convened loyal congregations to listen 
to their prayers for the overthrow of Slavery and trea- 
son, and the preservation of their beloved President 
and the Congress of the United States. To men like 
Dostie, who watched with jealous eye every evil influ- 
ence that opposed civil and religious liberty, the new 
titrn in Church affairs, was a source of rejoicing. Every 
Sal?l>ath morning he might be seen entering the Epis- 
copal Church, formerly occupied by Dr. Goodridge, to 
worship with the i-everence of a man of faith. His deep 
toned voice, which had a peculiar charm to his friends, 
upon these solemn occasions could be distinctly heard 
repeating that service to which he became deeply at- 
tached. Said he, " I always pray in faith for President 
Lincoln, for I feel in my inmost soul that the God of 
Nations will siistain the noble acts of our Chief Magis- 
trate." From that time until his death. Dr. Dostie was 
a constant worshipper in Church. His religious views 
partook of his general character. They were broad and 
liberal, and not confined to any narrow creed. In a con- 
versation with a friend, he remarked, " I believe that 
Christ died for all. I trust in God — the great liuler of 
Events has placed before us his laws. If we are guided 
by them, they will lead us to happiness here and here- 
after. That is my creed and my religion." 



THE CHURCHES OF NEAV ORLEAXS. 57 

Upon the organization of a loyal congregation in 
Christ's Church, Dr. Dostic was chosen one of the war- 
dens. Christ's Church ! What a throng of associations 
gious home of the army and navy of the Gulf Department, 
cluster around that name ! Christ's Cluu-ch was the reli- 
There might be seen upon a Sabbath morning, the com- 
manding General and his Staff; the officers of every 
grade of both the army and the navy ; soldiers and 
sailor boys. Union citizens and loyal visitors from all 
parts of the country assembled in that sacred spot. What 
prayers have been offered by clergy and laymen for the 
preservation of the Union, and what heartfelt petitions 
have ascended to the God of Nations in behalf of Presi- 
dent Lincoln and the Congress of the United States ! 
That emblem of religious liberty — the United States 
flag — enveloped the altar dedicated to Freedom. That 
flag draped in mourning symbols, was wrapped around 
the biers of the patriots who fell by the hands of the 
enemies of their Government, It enclosed in its folds 
the pulseless form of the youtliful De Kay, the gallant 
Cummings, the brave Dvvight, and numbers of hon- 
ored dead, \A\o died for the Union and Liberty. How 
many weeping parents, wives, brothers and sisters, Vv^ould 
have been comforted, could they have witnessed the 
tribute of respect, paid to their departed ones at 
Christ's Church, and beheld with what tenderness and 
sympathy, that friend of the loyal soldier, Dostio, and 
his brother officers in the Church looked upon the I'C- 
mains of those who fell in the cause of republican 
Liberty. 



58 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIF. 



CHAPTER IX. 

DR. DOSTIe's activity IX THE UNION CAUSE. 

Dr. Dostie was a man of iron nerve and unceasing ac- 
tivity. Possessed of a sti-ong- constitution, a powerful 
will and an active brain, lie could endure more physical- 
ly and mentally than most men. It was not an uncom- 
mon thing for liim to look alter the interests of a dozen 
schools per day ; work a few liours at his profession, re- 
ceive not less than fifty calls ; attend two or three Union 
meetings, and then spend half the night in reading and 
writing. 

Not a Union Churcli or Sabbath School (white or col- 
ored), existed in the city in which he did not take a deep 
interest. Not an association or loyal gathering assem- 
bled that bore not witness to his exertions in the cause 
for which loyal men were battling. In many of these 
reforms, Dr. Dostie was the i^rime mover. Sensitive to 
the opinion of his associates ; delighting in the approba- 
tion of his friends, and desiring the respect even of his 
enemies, no earthly jiower could induce him to swerve 
from what ho considered duty. AVhere he could resist 
treason he never wavered. Said he, " It is the duty of 
loyal men who love their flag and their Government, to 
use every exertion to put doAvn the signs of disloyalty." 
Wherever he obseiwcd an act or symbol of treason, it 



DK. DOSTIE'S activity IX THE UXIOX CAUSE, 59 

culled clown upon the offender his rebuke and bitter in- 
dignation. 

Among- the " fanatical acts " of Dr. Dostie that evoked 
the thundering anathemas of the rebel multitude was his 
noted performance at the Varieties Theater. A few de- 
termined Unionists, among whom were Judge Durell, E. 
Heath, and :L.',B.JLynch, headed by Dostie, resolved that 
the flag of the Union should flout where it had been torn 
down by its enemies. The Varieties Theater had become 
somewhat notorious for displaying rebel emblems. It 
was decided by Dostie and his associates to make a de- 
monstration of loyalty in that place to test the Union 
sentiment. With a chosen band, Dr. Dostie entered tlic 
Theater and displayed the " Star-Spangled Banner," re- 
questing the orchestra to play a national air. Instantly 
the United States flag was displayed from all parts of 
the house, and the air of the " Star-Spangled Banner " 
demanded. Tliis created a great excitement. The mana- 
ger of the Theater appeared upon the stage and demand- 
ed an explanation of the demonstration. Dr. Dostie, 
standing by the flag he had unfurled, replied, " New 
Orleans is now a Union city. The audience have deter- 
mined to hear the national airs ; none but secession airs 
have been heard here during the season, and the present 
company intend to liear " Hail Columbia " before the 
performance proceeds." To this the manager replied, 
" That he had permission from the military authorities, 
and license from the city to conduct the Theater, and 
had received strict orders from those authorities to allow 
nothing of a political character." " 'Tis fldse," arose from 
all parts of the house. The audience continued to dc. 
maud the playing of the national air:'., some, however, 



GO LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

declaring that the airs woukl be in opposition to tlie 
orders of Mayor Miller. At this juncture, Major Foster 
of the r28th New York Volunteers, stepped ui)on the 
stage, and commanded silence, saying, " he would take 
the responsihility of ordering the orchestra to strike up 
" Hail Columhia." The order was reluctantly obeyed, 
and the old-time air was greeted with many cheers. 
General Boweu immediately issued an order of which 
the annexed is a copy : 

" Office of Pkovost Martial, 

Department of the Gulf, 

New Orleans, April 22, 1SG3. 
" Mr, Baker, Manager of Varieties Theater : 

" It is reported to me that you have declined to cause 
the national airs to be played at your Theater at the re- 
quest of the audience, for the reason that you have been 
forbidden by the jNIayor of the city. No such order can 
l)e recognized or held valid in the presence of the United 
States army. You will, therefore, cause the national airs, 
" Hail Columbia," " Star-Spangled Banner " and " Yankee 
Doodle," to be played before the audience leaves your 
Theater this evening. 

James Bowen, Brig, Gen., P. M. G." 

It was from a few similar episodes in the life of Dostie 
that he acquired the name of " fanatic," " agitator," and 
" inovator." Yet he reverenced just law, order, and 
peace. "My principles were never law-defying, but I 
must oppose treason in all its forms," he replied when 
questioned as to his course in opposing the emblems of 
secessioiL 

Tliose acts Avill bear scmitiny, for they did not often 
spring from sudden imjmlse, but from a settled purpose 
to attack injustice and disloyalty wherever found, and 
success generally attended liis movements. 



dostie's political views. 61 



CHAPTER X. 

dostie's political views. 

Dostie thus defines his political status : " I have al- 
ways been a Jacksoniau Democrat. When the great 
question came before the American people Avhether 
Slavery or Freedom should triumph in our nation, the 
Democratic party favored SlaAcry, and I trusted to the 
llepublican party to Save the country. Abraham Lin- 
coln was the choice of that party for President of the 
United States. It had analyzed his character ; had found 
him a friend of the Avorking classes ; an enemy to every 
form of Slavery — an honest man with qualifications 
Avorthy the ruler of a Republican people." In a politi- 
cal speech, he said, " From the moment I decided to sup- 
i:)ort the noble Lincoln, I liaA'C Awatched Avith deep inter- 
terest his onward moA'ements in the cause of Union, 
liberty and humanity. If he continues faithful to the 
principles by Avliich he guides the nation, our hopes Avill 
be more than realized." 

Dostie Avas never knoAvn to A'ote for any man who op- 
posed the cause of President Lincoln. So strong Avas 
his faith in the great Emancipator, no argument could 
convince him that any other Avas so capable of securing 
the liberties of an oppressed race as Abraham Lincoln. 
In an address, he says, "I belicA^e Lincoln was chosen l)y 



62 LIFK OF A, P. DOSTIK. 

the Divine Ruler of Ciovernment:-, for llie purpose of 
liberating foui* millions of human l)eings from the tyranny 
of Soutliern despots." 

Among the lirst to Aveleonie General IJutler to Xew 
Orleans, was Michael Hahn. lie had eoinhatted seces- 
sion ; had puhlicly announced his devotion to the X'nion 
until it became dangerous to give expression to his sen- 
timents. Not willing to suifer martyrdom, he remained 
silent, patiently waiting the time when he could boldly 
proclaim his true sentiments. He had been a Douglass 
Democrat, but wlien he saw in President Lincoln, the 
preserver of the Union, lie avowed his determination, 
publicly, " to stand by him as long as he stood fiiithfully 
by the Union." It was that avowal that first attracted 
the loyal lieart of Dostie towards Ilahn. It was the tie 
that united them until separated by death. A few days 
after publicly proclaiming his determination to stand by 
Lincoln, Ilahn was elected to Congress from Louisiana. 
Among the crowd who assembled upon the levee to Avit- 
uess the departure for AVashington of the newly elected 
congressmen, Flanders and Ilahn, was Dr. Dostie. As 
tho steamer left the landing he exclaimed, " Those men 
will stand by our good President and the true interests 
of Louisiana." Upon the return of Ilahn from Wash- 
ington, in an address before the people pf NeAV Orleans, 
he said, " If any man Avishes to hnpw my political posi- 
tion, I will inlbi-m hini that I am ready to stand or fall 
npon the same platform with Abraham Lincoln. I have 
had opportunities of studying the moral and intellectual 
character of pur present beloved Magistrate, and in my 
opinion a better man cpuld not have been elected Presi- 
dent of the. United States. The preservation of tho 



BOSTIE's rOLITI(AL Xtl'lW^i. C3 

ITiilou is tlie o-rcnt desire of liis heart. When I first took 
my seat in Congress I thouglit it my duty to seelv an in- 
terview with Mr. Lincohi, and state to him that I might 
cast votes tliat Avonld displease liim.*The President toolc 
me -by the hand and said, " Let tlie perpetuity of tlie 
Union be the prominent object of your official conduct, 
and you "will not displease me." 

Says Ilerndon, (tlie law partner of Lincoln), " Abra- 
ham Lincoln possessed originality of thought in an emi- 
nent degree. He was, liowever, cautious, cool, concen- 
trated, with continuity of reflection, was patient and 
enduring. These are some of the grounds of his won- 
derful success. He was most emphatically a remorseless 
analyzer of facts, things anl principles. AVhen all these 
processes had been well and thoroughly gone through, 
he could form an opinion and express it, but no sooner. 
The mind of Lincoln Avas slow, angular and ponderous 
rather than quick and finely discriminating," When the 
good Lincoln did discern that the Union could no longer 
exist with the curse of slavery gnawing at its vitals, he 
struck the blow, and true Union loving men, such as 
Dostie, Lovejoy and Hahn, gloried in the salvation of 
their country. 

Dostie, who had ever sympathized with such noble 
spirits as Clarkson, Wilberforce, Phillips and Garrison, 
could never for a moment stifle the sentiment that 
Slavery was the most atrocious of crimes. In the follow- 
ing address, delivered January 2d, 1864, in City Hall— 
the same spot where in 1860-61, sj^eeches were made to 
secession crowds — after a few introductory remarks by 
Hon. Michael Hahn, and before an immense concourse of 



64 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

people, Dr. Dostie thus expressed himself upon the na- 
tional situation : 
3fr. Preside fit, Ladies and Gentlemen : 

"We took our place among the nations of the earth in 
1789. We wei-e then a homogeneous, 'happy people. 
Our heroic struggle for independence was fought and 
achieved by the people of the colonies, cemented in a 
lierpetual union. No single State could have thrown 
off the shackles of British tyranny. It was only by 
the fraternal bonds of union that our brave republican 
fathers freed themselves from monarchical despotism. 
Our recognition by the great powers of Europe, was as 
one nation and homogeneous people. The immortal 
Declaration reads : " United colonies," declaring them- 
selves free and independent ; and by the Constitution of 
the Confederation, the Continental Congress controlled 
and guided us to the haven of freedom and glorious 
nationality, and we have grown and prospered with a 
rapidity unequaled by any nation in the history of the 
world. The glorious Constitution that has enabled us 
thus to flourish, was adopted by the people, and not by 
State governments. Yes, it was by the people, in their 
individual and collective character, mc were made one 
and perpetual. It was the people who, in ^ their rela- 
tion to States, yielded the power to levy taxes and im- 
pose duties, to regulate commerce, to make naturaliza- 
tion laws, to coin money, to regulate post-offices and 
post-roads, to define and punish piracies, to declare war, 
to provide an army and navy, to enter into any treaty, 
alliance or confederation, to issue letters of marque and 
reprisal, to emit bills of credit, to keep troops or ships 
of war in times of peace, and to enter into any agree- 



DOSTIE'S POLITICAL VIEWS, G5 

mciit 01- compact, either with each other or witli a 
foreign power. They placed all controversy that might 
arise betAvecn the States or individuals in the liands of 
the National Judiciary. After these concessions there 
remained no semblance of sovereigntj^, but simply the 
riglit of independent self-government in local or domes- 
tic nffiiirs. Sovereignty the States never achieved. The 
people won their independence by their wisdom, their 
energies and their valor, after seven long years of strug- 
gle against British power and aggression. The Declara- 
tion of Independence sets forth the reasons and purposes 
of that revolution that achieved and established the 
freedom of our country. Not once does it mention the 
States, but it does mention the people in their united 
and national character. ' State Sovereignty,' ' State Su- 
premacy,' ' State Rights,' and the cursed system of 
slavery, were ignored and repudiated by the consum- 
mate wisdom and goodness of the founders -of this na- 
tion ; and the latter by the enlightened voice of the 
world, as the crime of crimes against humanity. 

" Permit me to ask you to listen to the voice of sages. 
Christians, patriots, statesmen, philosophers and philan- 
thropists of this and other nations, concerning this hell- 
begotten wrong and outrage. Washington said it was 
his first wish to free America of the curse. Jefferson, the 
Apostle of Liberty, said he trembled for his country, and 
declared it was written in the Book of Fate, that the 
people should be free. Patrick Henry detested slavery 
with all the earnestness of his nature, and believed tlic 
time was not far distant when the lamentable evil would 
be abolished. Madison denied the right of property in 
man, and contended that the republican principle wa:; 



CG LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

antagonistic to Inunnn bondag-c. Monroe considered 
slavery as preying u[)(>n the very vitals of the Union. 
John liandolph detested the man who defended slavery. 
Thomas Randolph dejirecated the workings of the evil. 
Tiiomas Jefferson Ilandolj)li classes the 'institution' 
among the abominations and enormities of savage tribes, 
and as tending to decrease tree })opulations. Peyton 
Randolph lamented its existence. Edward Randolph, as 
member of the Convention that framed the Constitution 
of our nation, moved to strike out " servitude," and in- 
sert " service," because the former was thought to ex- 
press the condition of slaves, and the latter the obliga- 
tion of free persons, Henry Clay would never, never, 
never, by word or thought, by mind or will, aid in sub- 
jecting free territory to the everlasting curse of human 
bondage. The great Benton, in view of the peace and 
reputation of the white people — the peace of the land — 
the world's last hope for a free government on the earth, 
and because it was a wrong, condemned its extension 
and existence. Colonel Mason contended slavery dis- 
couraged the arts and manufactures, made labor disre- 
putable, prevented inmiigration of whites, who enrich 
and strengthen a country, produced pernicious etfects on 
manners, made the master a petty tyrant, and invited 
calamities to the nation. Governor McDowell says this 
people was born to be free, and their enslavement is in 
violation of the law of Deity. Judge Iredell, of North 
Carolina, would rejoice when the entire abolition of sla- 
very took ])lace. AVilliam Pinckney, of Maryland, con- 
sidered it dishonorable and iniquitous. Thomas Marshall, 
of A'irginia, said it was ruinous to the whites. Boiling 
said the time Avould come when this degraded and op- 



dostie's political views. G7 

pressed people would free themselves from tlieir thral- 
dom. Chandler calls it a cancer, and said it would 
produce commotion and bloody strife. Summers said 
the evils could not be enumerated. Preston said the 
slaves were men, and entitled to human rights, liirncj^ 
of Kentucky, said the slaveholder had not one atom of 
right to his slave, and that all peoples rejoice when they 
hear the oppressed are set free. McLane, of Delaware, 
said, I am an enemy of slavery. Luther Martin, of Mary- 
land, said slavery is inconsistent with the genius of re- 
publicanism. An abolition society was formed in Virginia 
in 1791, in which slavery was denounced as not only an 
odious degradation, biit an outrageous violation of one 
of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly 
repugnant to the principles of the Gospel, and argued 
that all men are by nature equally free and independent. 
The heroic Marion said it reduced society to two classes 
— the rich and the very poor. Oglethorpe, the fomider of 
Georgia, called it a horrid crnne. Franklin called slavery 
an atrocious debasement of human nature. Hamilton 
said all men were, by nature, entitled to equal privileges. 
John Jay called it repugnant to every principle of justice 
and equity, William Jay contended the time had ar- 
rived when it was necessary to destroy slavery to suac 
our own liberty. John Quincy Adams — tlie old man 
eloquent — -said it perverted human reason and tainted 
the A'cry sources of moral principle. Webster regarded 
it as a great moral and political evil, sustained by might 
against right, and in violation of the spirit of religion, 
justice and humanity. Noah Webster claimed freedom 
as the sacred right of every man. De Witt Clinton 
says the despotisms and slavery of the world would long 



68 I.IFK OF A. P. DOSTIK. 

since liave vanished, if the natural equality of mankind 
had l)een understood and practiced. General Joscjki 
AVarreu says personal freedom is tlie natural right oi 
every man. England, through her Mansfields, calls it 
odious ; her Locke, so vile that a gentleman cannot plead 
for it ; her Pitt, that it should not be permitted for a 
single hour ; her Fox compares it to robbery and murder; 
her Shakspeare said that heaven will one day free us from 
this slavery ; her Cowpers and Miltons have, in immortal 
verse, execrated it; her Doctor Johnson says no man is, 
by nature, the jiroperty of another; her Doctor Price 
says, if yo\i can enslave another, he can enslave you ; 
her Blackstone tells us we must transgress unjust liuman 
laws, and obey the natural and divine ; and her Coke, 
Hampden, "Wilberforce, and many of her other learned 
and good men, endorsed this doctrine. Ireland's Burke 
said it ought not to be suffered to exist ; her Curran de- 
manded universal emancipation ; her great O'Connell, 
speaking to his countrymen, said he would not recognize 
them, if they countenanced the horrors of American sla- 
very. Father MathcAV said slavery is a sin against (rod 
and man, and called loudly on all true Irishmen to help 
to move on the Car of Freedom. Scotland's voice is as 
potent in condemnation of this stu23endous crime. Her 
Beattie said it is opposed to virtue and industry, and 
should be viewed with horror; her Miller said every 
individual, whatever liis country or complexion, is enti- 
tled to freedom. France, speaking through her La 
Fayette, the friend of Washington and Liberty, tells the 
world he would not have drawn his sword in the cause 
of America, if he could have conceived that thereby he 
was foundinec a land of slaverv : his o-randson said the 



DOSTIE's rOLITlOAL VIEWS. 69 

abolition of slavery commanded his entire sympathy. 
Montcsqnieu said the earth shrank in barrenness from 
the contaminating sweat of a slave. Louis X. said the 
Christian religion and nature herself cried out against 
the state of slavery, and demanded the liberty of all 
men. Rousseau said slavery and right contradicted and 
excluded each other. Brissot viewed it as a degrada- 
tion of human nature. Schiller, Grotius, Goethe, Luther, 
Humboldt, and thousands of freedom loving Germans, 
haA'e spoken deeply in condemnation of this monster 
iniquity. This noble people were the earliest to de- 
nounce the sin, and went so far as to declare the slave 
justifiable in the murder of his master who refused to 
let him go free. The gr''atest of Alexanders has de- 
clared, by a solemn ukase, the universal enfranchisement 
of his people, and sixty millions of human beings are 
thereby made freemen, to love God and the ways of 
justice and virtue. Cicero tells us all men are born 
free, and that law cannot make wrong right. Socrates 
calls slavery a system of outrage and robbeiy. Plato, 
that it is a system of the most complete injustice. The 
great Cyrus said that to fight, in order not to be made a 
slave, is noble. The churches of the world hold this sin 
as an abomination iinto the Lord. The true interpreta- 
tion of the Bible jiroclaims liberty throughout all the 
land, unto all the inhabitants thereof, and commands 
us to let the oppressed go free, to call no man master, 
neither to be called masters. Slavery is the black and 
loathsome sin that Avill not be forgiven in this world, nor 
the world to come. Thus the intelligent and great men 
of all nations denounce this foul system. The world — 
our own nation — all the States except atrocious South 



VO LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

Carolina and dcsjonerate Georgia, deprecated and shnd- 
dered at this evil in the land. Through the pernicious 
influence of these States the systera ^vas recognized as 
a State Ilight, in ])ennitting tlie importation of human 
beings for enslavement for tAventy years, wlien the im- 
pcn'tation was branded and punished as piracy. 

" Soon after the adoption of the Constitution, all the 
Northern States abolished and repudiated slavery, as 
a violation of human rights. The blighting influence 
of this curse caused the great flow of immigration to 
settle in the Northern States, hence followed the pre- 
ponderance of population, Avealtli and power, and the 
vast advantages in all the avenues of happiness they 
now enjoy. Listen to facts to prove ' the earth is made 
to shrink in barrenness' from the malign influences of 
slavery. 

" See the poverty, ignorance and desolation of the 
shiA'c lands in contrast to great Freedom's onward and 
upward course. In 1790, the population of Virginia was 
double that of the State of Ncav York. In 1850, that 
of New York was twice as great as that of Virginia. 
In 1791, the expoi-ts of Nevr York amounted to about 
equal those of Virginia. Sixty years after. New York 
surpasses Virginia in her exports more than eighty mil- 
lions. In 1790, the imports of New York and Virginia 
were about equal. Sixty years after New York sur- 
passes Virginia more than one hundred million dollars. 
In 1850, the products, manufactures, mechanics and arts 
in New York amounted to more than one billion dollars 
more than those of Virginia. In the same year, the 
value of real and ])ersonal property in Virginia (includ- 
ing the negroes) is nearly one billion dollars less than 



DOSTIE S POLITICAL VIKAVS. i i 

that of XoAV York, In 1856, the veal and personal estate 
assessed in the city of New York was wortli more than the 
whole State of Virginia. The value of the farms, farming 
ntensils, mechanical and agricultural products in New 
York exceed tliose in Virginia in the same ratio. In 
1850, the hay crop in the lit'c States amounted t(i more 
than four times the value of the cotton, tobacco and 
sugar crops of the fifteen slave States. The total value 
of the property of the free States is more than three 
times that of the slave States. The bushel products, the 
pound-measure products, the gallon and the mining pro- 
ducts of the Northern States are similarly ahead of the 
same products of the South, notwithstanding the super- 
ior advantages of the South in soil, climate, rivers, har- 
bors, minerals, forests, and 245,000 more square miles 
of territory. In 1850 there were only eighteen hundred 
adult persons in Massachusetts who could not read and 
write. In the same year eighty thousand of the Avhite 
adult inhabitants of North Carolina could neither read 
or write. The comparative intelligence in these States 
is presented to illustrate the ignorance, poverty and 
imbecility pervading the land of slavery in contrast with 
the land of freedom, where intelligence, Avealth, pros- 
jDcrity, progress and happiness are everywhere visible. 

"These statistical facts prove that when this nation 
commenced its existence, the South had the advantage 
of the North. Why has the South degenerated, and 
why is she to-day so far behind the North in all that re- 
lates to intelligent, civilized nations ? In her commercial 
and business relations, why is she so far surj^assed by the 
Northern States ! Because the Goddess, Freedom, is 
working, speaking and running against the Demon, Sla- 



72 LIFE OF A. r. POSTIE. 

very. This infamous monster is doomed to Avork out it« 
own destruction. In aiming its deadly fangs at the na- 
tion's vitals, it has inflicted its own death wounds. 
Thanks to liberty, to republicanism, and the beneficent 
institutions transmitted to us by illustrious sires, it will 
thus ignominiously die, and pass from the face of the 
earth forever. "We can but see that the ' institution ' of 
slavery and the principles upon Avhich our goverment is 
founded are antagonistic. Its constitution and laws arc 
in direct violation of the spirit Avhich our noble, self-sa- 
crificing forefathers inculcated, which breathed only the 
as])iration of liberty and happiness to all men. We, as 
a State in this republican government, have departed 
from the j)rinciples and teachings of the signers of the 
Declaration of Independence, in declaring, by our con- 
stitution and laws, that all men are not created equal, 
and are not entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness. This atrocious crime of slavery assails the 
life of our State and nation — sows the seeds of discord 
and disunion, by destroying the principles of humanity, 
justice and good will tOAvard men, l)y establishing this 
infamous curse, which is built upon the narrow grounds 
of pecuniary interest and sordid gain, embracing, in its 
constitution and code of laws, fraud, rapine, cruelty and 
bloodshed. Slavery is inconsistent with our dearest 
rights as a State. The Black Code of this State is a 
damning disgrace to our State records, and an outrage 
and robbery upon her citizens, and merits the contempt 
and detestation of all men. We ask and demand that 
this dead weight of human Avrong be Aviped from the 
escutcheon of our State, and that these laws and the ar- 
istocratic State constitution be destroyed, to give place 



DOSTIe's rOLITICAL VIEWS. 73 

to a free and truly democratic constitution and laws, 
based upon the inherent and fundamental principles of 
freedom and justice to all men. 

" To sliow to you, friends of freedom, how the South 
has degenerated and relaj^sed to Egyptian barbarism, I 
Avill present a synoptical view of the pertinently named 
Black Code of Louisiana^ and I am confident you Avill 
acknowledge it only worthy a Slaveocracy, for there 
is no other class on God's earth so brutalized and stupid 
in depravity and wickedness as to defend the diabolical 
rules and principles it inculcates. Well, thus saith the 
law that Mr. Davis and his compeers would restore and 
establish to Louisiana and the world, if they could com- 
mand the power to do so. But, thank God, they will 
not be permitted to build a nation upon any such iniqui- 
tous 'corner-stone.' Any slave killing or attempting to 
kill, whether maliciously, or in defence of his family or 
self, shall be hung. If a slave strikes his master, or mis- 
tress, or their children, or any white overseer, he shall be 
hung, or be imprisoned at hard labor for ten years. If a 
slave shoot or stab any person Avith intent to kill, he 
shall be hung. If any slave or free person of color shall 
attempt to poison any person he shall be hung. Any 
slave guilty of encouraging an insurrection shall be hung. 
Any slave or free person of color who shall attempt to 
burn any building or outhouse shall be hung. Any slave 
who shall be guilty for the third offence of striking a 
white person shall be hung, xinless the bloAV Avas given in 
defence of his master, some member of his family, or 
person having charge of him, Avhen the slave shall be 
excused. Any slave forcibly taking goods or money 
from any person shall be hung, or as the court shall 



74 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

fidjudgc. Any slave who sluiU break into a place and 
attempt to steal, or commit any other crime, sliall 
be hung. Any person cruelly treating a slave shall 
not be fined to exceed two hundred dollars. Any 
person who shall remove any iron chain or collar 
liistened to a slave may be imprisoned for six months. 
If any person shall, by words or action, advise any 
slave to insurrection, he shall suffer death or imprison- 
ment. Whosoever shall attempt to produce discontent 
among the free colored or slave ])opulation, shall be im- 
prisoned at hard labor, or suffer death. Any ])ersoii 
from the bar, the bench, the stage, the pulpit, or any 
other place^ who shall be guilty of discourses or signs 
tending to })roduce discontent among the free colored or 
slave population, or who shall bring into this State any 
paper, pamphlet or book having such tendency, may be 
imprisoned twenty-one years, or sufter death. Slaves 
accused of capital crimes shall be tried by two Justices 
of the l*eace and ten owners of slaves. Any crime not 
capital shall be tried by a Justice of the Peace and 
four owners of slaves. One Justice and nine jurors 
shall constitute a quorum for the trial of slaves accused 
of capital offences. If a slave is convicted, the said 
Justice of the Peace shall sign the sentence. If the 
court disagree and do not convict, it shall have the 
power to inflict corporal punishment according to its 
pleasure. All slaAes sentenced to death or ])erpetual 
imprisonment, shall be paid for out o^ the public tre((.v(ry. 
A slave may be forced to testify against his fellow-slave, 
but he is not permitted to testify against a Avhite man. 
Any slave accused of a capital crime in this parish shall 
be tried by the Judge of the First District Court and 



dostie's political Yimvs. 15 

six slaveholding jurors. No slave can leave the planta- 
tion without a written permission ; and any person giv- 
ing permission without authority shall be lined fifty 
dollars. Any person who shall mutilate a slave and 
render him incapable of work, shall be fined fifty dollars, 
and pay the master two dollars per day for every day 
lost ; and if the slave be forever made unable to work, 
then the offender shall pay his value, or suffer one year's 
imprisonment. Any person, having been a slave, return- 
ing to this State without permission, sliall be forced 
back to slavery. Any free person of color Avho may be 
ordered to leave the State and does not, may be im- 
prisoned at hard labor for five years. Free persons of 
color are not allowed to land in the State without a legal 
permit. A master of a vessel must give a bond for the 
non-landing of free persons of color on board his vessel. 
" This is the law of the chivalrous apostles of treason 
and rebellion ; the rope, the stocks, the clog, the ball- 
chain, the gag, the vice, the " nigger dogs," are the 
humanizing aids for their enforcement, and conspicu- 
ously portray the religion, humanity and civilization of 
the slaveocracy of the barren and ruined land under 
their horrid and diabolical sway. Thank God, the Moses 
of this people has come, and is uoav bravely leading the 
sons of Africa from the land of bondage to the glorious 
heritage of freedom and human rights. Yes, the crisis 
which involves the question whether this accursed viper 
shall be suffered longer to gnaw at our national vitals, 
to destroy and overthrow our constitutional liberty and 
laws, or whether the cause of the stupendous afllictioii 
now upon this j^romised land of liberty shall be a-^ui. 
hilated. 



76 LIFE OP A, P, DOSTIE. 

" There can be but one voice from the just, the good 
and tlie liumane, and that voice is — perish slavery, per- 
isli its uphohlers, perisli every power and obstacle to the 
disenthralment and liberty of the o))pressed, whatever 
be his complexion or his condition. Hope beameth 
bright for the tiiumphant realization of freedom's jubi- 
lee. The battles fought, the proclamations from that 
best and greatest man, Abraham Lincoln — the man of 
liberty, of humanity, the people's man — the territory 
conquered, brothers reclaimed, those freed, show a fu- 
ture brighter and more glorious than the most gen- 
erous ever conceived a hope for. How much more 
tenaciously should we cling to our dear country, now 
that she has been imperiled and made to weep tears of 
blood because of the unnumbered dead, the waste and 
desolation of her once fruitful fields and happy and con- 
tented culturers. Our forelathers Avere the instruments 
that have marked and explored the destiny of this land. 
The disciples of Calhoun have striven, and are still striv- 
ing to pervert and destroy their lofty aspirations, and 
these oligarchs find sympathizers in the cold and wither- 
ing aristocracy of the North ; but the people have 
spokeji in their strength and declared that these craven- 
hearted and weak-kneed traitors shall not succeed, but 
with their braver friends, fighting for their treason, shall 
go down in ignominy together. When treason and re- 
bellion shall be crushed, and the great people, including 
us, Louisianians, shall realize nature's just law, that 
slavery is no longer to blight and curse the civilization, 
morality and religion of the nation, Avhen man will be 
acknowledged ' for a" that ; ' that color and difl:erence 
in complexion may still be ' endowed with power to 



dostik's political views. V7 

discover, with sense to love, and with imagination to 
expand towards their limitless perfection the attributes 
of Him whose finger the heavens are the liandiwork," 
then the blessings of Liberty, life and the pursuit of 
happuiess, equality and all the other great human rights 
of civil, political and religious self-government will fol- 
low, to make glad the philanthropic heart, and bring 
happiness, prosperity and fraternity to unborn millions, 
who will rise up to revere and treasure our sacred be- 
queathment. Then that flag, acknowledged by every 
people, the emblem of all that is good, great and glo- 
rious, will (lance over the oblivious graves of the parri- 
cides who trailed it in the dust of Fort Sumter ; and 
when the names of the Arnolds of this struggle will 
only be sounded with execration and contempt. Then 
the people will feel and universally exclaim — 

******* 

" Who would sever Freedom's shrine ? 
Who would draw the inviduous line? 
Though by birth one spot be mine, 
Dear is all the rest. 

Dear to me the South's ftiir land ! 
Dear the central mountain band ! 
Dear New England's rocky strand ! 
Dear the prairied West ! 

By our altars, pure and free ! 

By the laws doep-rooted tree ! 

By the Past's dread memory ! 

By our Washington ! 

By our common kindred tongue ! 
By our hopes, bright, buoyant, young, 
By the tie of country strong ! 
We will still be one ! 



*J8 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

Father's, have ye hied in vain ? 
Ages, shall ye droop again? 
Maker, shall we rashly stain 
Blessings sent by Thee ? 

No ! receive our solemn vow. 
While before thy throne Ave bow, 
Ever to maintain, as now, 
'Union, Liberty!'" 

Said Dr. Dostie, " I always cherished liberty, but I 
was led step by step, in the progressive movement of 
events, to perceive and acknowledge the truth that the 
Republic could no longer exist and Avithhold the sacred 
right of four millions of human beings. Events have 
proved the direct antagonism between Slavery and Re- 
publicanism, and that the one or the other must perish." 
Every event that unfolded the great plan of American 
freedom was embraced by him with enthusiastic joy. 
The arming of the negroes to fight against slavery and 
rebellion, was to him a source of rejoicing. The news 
of the fall of Port Hudson was received by the loyal 
people of New Orleans with great demonstrations of de- 
light. The event Avas celebrated by thousands, both 
Avhite and black, who assembled upon Canal Street 
around the statue of Henry Clay, to listen to addresses 
from the orators chosen for the occasion. Dr. Dostie 
being one of the speakers, addressed the audience as fol- 
lows : 

"On the 4th of July, lllQ, our noble sires fought a 
great moral battle, and achieved a A'ictory, proclaiming 
to the world the great truth, that all men are created 
equal, and are from God entitled to life, liberty and the 
pursuit of happiness. Under the influence of these in- 



DOSTIi: S POLITICAL VIEWS. . TO 

estimable blessings this nation lias grown, prospered and 
flourished to rank with the first iu the Avorld's history. 

" In ISGO, traitors laid the eorner-stone of slavery, and 
for- more than two years strnggled to erect a ' Bastile ' 
on the ruins of liberty. But the men of the West, who 
had sworn with their swords to cut their way to the 
Gulf, met the enemy of man and free institutions at 
Visksburg, the Gibraltar of their power, on the eighty- 
seventh anniversary of Freedom's Day, and achieved a 
victory that has broken the back-bone of the monster 
rebellion. On the 8tli of January, 1815, the iron-nerved 
Champion of Freedom — the immortal author of the 
words, ' the Union must and shall be preserved,' met the 
lion power of Great Britain on the i:)lains of Chalmette, 
and drove the ruthless invader back, and taught him a 
lesson that he has never forgotten ; showing to the world 
that freemen are mighty and cannot be bound by the 
power of despotism. 

" Forty-eight years and six months thereafter the un- 
daunted and heroic Banks fought a battle and Avon a 
victory vaster in its consequences than folloAved the bril- 
liant achievement of the democratic Jackson. General 
Banks conquered the second stronghold of the rebellion, 
and now we are rejoicing that commerce will again flow 
uninterruptedly upon the bosom of the great Father of 
Waters, from its source to the Gulf. Let us, my felloAV- 
citizens, devoutly thank the Great Disposer of all Good 
for these manifold blessings, and let us in all future 
prove ourselves freemen indeed, and firmly serve and up- 
hold the flag of our fathers and make it what they 
designed, the emblem of liberty to all. 

"Let us hold in hallowed remembrance the times that 



so LIFE OJ-^ A. P. DOSTIE. 

tried men's souls, the souls of our fathers, and solemnly 
promise that treason and rebellion sliall never eradieate 
llie laws of justice, fraternity and liberty, that freedom 
of speech shall not be suppressed, nor rights molested, 
but that all may glory in being free and equal sons of 
America. 

" Sons of Africa, I am rejoiced to see you here in 
such vast numbers. In common with all mankind you 
love liberty. History accords you high soldierly qualities. 
Against the armies of the old world you have fought 
Avitli a heroisni unsurpassed by the bravest. In the 
struggle of American independence you are remembered 
Avith kindness and gratitude. In the darkest hour of 
that contest of " Liberty or death," you nobly and 
promptly came forward to help to turn the tide that 
eventuated in liberty and freedom to the land. In the 
war of 1812 you fought shoulder to shoulder with tlie 
white man in driving the British invader from our soil, 
and in this stupendous struggle to save Liberty, your 
daring exploits and desperate valor in South Carolina, 
before Port Hudson, and wherever else you have been 
let loose against the traitors, you have shown yourselves 
worthy sons of freedom ; and, thank God, the precious 
boon is near you. Lose no time in coming to it. Urge, 
urge your brave brethren to enroll themselves in the 
Union army^ that before another year rolls by, half a 
million of your people will join the white man in break- 
ing down the rebellion and raise upon every foothold of 
treason the flag of Union and Liberty — and then one 
universal shout will go up to Heaven, proclaiming 
" Liberty to all." ' 



CHANGES OF MILITAKY COMMANDEES. 81 



CHAPTER XL 

CHANGES OF MILITARY COMMANDERS IN NEW ORLEANS. 

In December, 1862, General Bntler left New Orleans, 
and General Banks assnmed command of the Gulf de- 
partment. One fact was ever apparent in relation to 
New Orleans — " that while President Lincoln lived, and 
the United States army and navy held possession of that 
strono-hold of treason. Unionism was a power, before 
Avhich the rebel masses trembled. The boldness and de- 
cision evinced by General Bntler in his control of that 
city during the rebellion, marks him in future history 
the hero of the Gulf Department." 

In revolutionary times decisive action is necessary to 
success. It was bold decision that subdued slavery, se- 
cession and rebellion. The decisive action of thousands 
of brave men who dared to plunge the moral and physi- 
cal weapons of death into the heart of rebellion — saved 
our nation in the dark days of revolution. The Emanci- 
pation Proclamation and the Constitutional Amendment 
which forever abolished slavery in the United States, 
caused some strange developments in Southern politics. 
In New Orleans the agitations caused by those humane 
acts divided the political elements into numerous coali- 
tions. 

There was the bold radical party that denounced 



82 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIK 

everything opposed to the reforms of the age. Among 
the most prominent of tliat organization, were Dos- 
tie, Waples, Flanders, Ilalin, Heath, Graham, Gold- 
man, Durell, Lynch, Hire, Howell, Heistend and Dr.- 
rant. Then there was a class composed of men of the 
status of Roselius, Rozier, Fellows, Barkei*, Kennedy, 
Burk, men of conservative ideas, who had combatted 
the advance of reform, and attempted by every means 
in tlieir power to pi-eserve the flickering life of their be- 
loved institution. Slavery. A third party consisted ot 
the strong advocates of the rebellion. Their names were 
Legion. They ke])t themselves not openly defiant, but 
ever on the alert, watching with sleepless eye the 
movements of the other parties. 

The dominant party Avere the radicals, whoso political 
creed was based upon three prominent objects of Lin- 
coln's Administration, viz. — the preservation of the 
Union ; the abolition of Slavery, and the crushing of 
the great Kebellion. 

Conspiracies, however, external and internal caiased 
dissention in the radical Republican party of Louisiana. 

The loyal portion of the State began to agitate the 
question of a Free-State Government. 

At a Union meeting in New Orleans, March 0th, 1863, 
Thomas J. Durant said : " I have something practical 
to bring before the people. It is now ten months since 
the federal forces came to Louisiana, and no efibrt has 
been made to establish a State Government. The ])ro- 
position I would make is, that this Association, as the 
only representative of the A'iews of Union men of New 
Orleans, take steps towards the formation of such a 
Government. The city contains more than one-half 



CHANGES OF MILITARY COMMAXDEKS. 83 

the voting popiilation of the State, and as hiyal citizens 
arc entitled to a government of their own choice, that 
portion of the country in the hands of the rebels con- 
taining hut a minority of the white population. He sub- 
mitted this resolution to the Association : 

Resolved, " That the President of this meeting ap- 
point a committee of three to prepare a plan for calling 
a convention of tlie people of Louisiana to be submitted 
to this meeting on Saturday evening next." 

Said lie : " If ten loyal men can be found in each 
parish to send a representative, they Avill be sufficient 
to save their parishes." 

Durant's resolution was unanimously adopted by the 
Association. Among those who voted for the resolution 
were Dostie, Graham, and Waples. At a meeting of the 
Union Association in Lyceum Hall, April 12th, 1863, 
Durant read a letter from Ilahn, Avhich stated that in a 
conversation Hahn had held Avith President Lincoln upon 
the subject of organizing a civil government for Louis- 
iana, the President heartily approved of the plan, and 
promised to send instructions to the military leaders in 
Louisiana to favor the movement. On motion of Dr. 
Dostie, the vote was taken, when the resolutions favor- 
ing the Convention were passed by 95 to 73. 

The following letter from President Lincoln to General 
Banks in relation to Louisiana affiurs is interesting as 
connected with alfairs at that time. 

Executive Maxsiox, ) 

Washington, August 5, 18G3. [ 
"My Dear Gen. Banks : — 

****** 

" While I very well know what I would be glad for 
Louisiana to do, it is quite a difterent thing for me to 



8-t l.lFi: OF A, V. DOSTIK. 

assume direction of tlie matter, I would he ii:lad for 
her to make a new constitution, recognizing the eman- 
ci])ation ])roclamation, and ado])ting emancipation in 
tliose ])arts of the State to Avhich tlie proclamation 
does not a])ply. And while she is at it, I think it wo\dd 
not he ohjectionable for her to adopt some ])ractical 
system hy which the two i-aces could gradually live 
tiiemselves out of their old relation to each other, and 
hoth come out better ])repared for the new. Education 
for young blacks should be included in the plan. After 
all, the i)ower or element of ' contract' may be sufficient 
for this probationary ])eriod, and l)y its simplicity and 
flexibility may be the better. 

" As an anti-slavery man, I have a motive to desire 
emanci])ation Avhich pro-slavery men do not liave ; but 
even they have strong enough reason to thus ])lace them- 
selves again under the shield of the Union ; and to thus 
perpetually hedge against the recurrence of the scenes 
through which we are now passing. 

" Governor Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durant 
is now taking a registry, with a view to the election of 
a Constitutional Convention in Louisiana. This, to me, 
appears ])roper. If such convention was to ask my views, 
I could i)resent little else thaji what I now say to you, I 
think the thing should l)e pushed forward, so that, if pos- 
sible, its mature work may reach here by the meeting of 
Congress. 

" For my own part, I think I shall not, in any event, 
retract the Emancipation Proclamation ; nor, as Execu- 
tive, ever return to slavery any person who is free by 
the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of 
Congress. 

" If Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their 
admission to seats will depend, as you know, upon the 
respective houses, and not upon the President. 

" Yours, very truly, 
(Signed) AnuAUAAr Ltxcoln." 



CHANGES OF MILITAUY COMMANDERS. 85 

January 9th, 1864, the Union people of Xew Orleans 
assembled to endorse the action of the comniitte, and to 
give sanction to the request of Governor Shepley to 
order an election for delegates to the Constitutional Con- 
vention, with a view to making Louisiana a State, in ac- 
cordance with the principles suggested by the proclama- 
tion of the President issued on the 8th of December, 
1863. The President of that meeting was P. F. Flan- 
ders, Esq. Among the Vice-Presidents were Dostie, 
Shupert, Hire, Graham, Heath, Duncan, Howell, Waples, 
Shaw and Heistend. Mr. Flanders, in addressing the 
meeting said, " he thought the time had arrived for or- 
ofanizincf a State Government in Louisiana. Six months 
before, a plan had been prepared by the Union men of 
the city for that purpose and presented to Governor 
Shepley. It was by him forwarded to the President, 
considered in a Cabinet meeting, approved and returned 
to Governor Shepley with the approval of the Adminis- 
tration endorsed upon it. Now it was necessary to ap- 
point a committee to present resolutions to further the 
proposed plan." The following were the resolutions 
adopted : 

'"''Mesolved, That the future slavery of persons of African 
descent in Louisiana is a moral, legal and physical im- 
possibility, and the j^roposed new constitution in declar- 
ing its non-existence within the boi'ders of the State, will 
only assert a fact within the knowledge of all her loyal 
men. 

" Hesolved, That we cordially approve of all the pro- 
clamations of the President of the United States in 
regard to slavery in the insurrectionary districts, but 
more particularly the one recently issued under date of 
8th December, 1863 ; that the means pointed out by him 
for the rebellious States to return to the Union are, in 



8G LIFK OK A. 1'. UOSTIK. 

our opinion, eminently just and wise ; and that the loyal 
men of Louisiana are now ready and willin2^ to adopt 
them, and liavc nearly the required nu]nl)er ofreo'istered 
loyal eitizens, good men and true, to bring l)aek the State 
into the great nationality our fathers founded. 

" liesolved, That the action of the " Free State Com- 
mittee, in calling upon Brigadier-General Shepley, 
Military Governor of Louisiana, soliciting him to order, 
in the name of the people, an election for delegates to a 
Convention to form a State Constitution, is approved and 
ratiiied, and he is hereby authorized and requested to 
take all necessary steps to have such an election at an 
early day." 

At that meeting Mr. Durant said, " It will be a glori- 
ous thing if Ave can make Louisiana the first State that 
declares for freedom among the late rebellious States." 

Jan. lltli, the following proclamation by General 
Banks was issued : 

" IIeapquakteks Department of the Gui.e, [ 
Xew Orleans, Jan. 11, 1804. \ 
" To the people of Louisiana : 

" L In pursuance of authority vested in me by the 
President of the United States, and n])on consultation 
with many representative men of difl'erent interests, 
being fully assured that more than a tenth of the popu- 
lation desire the earliest possible restoration of Louisiana 
to the Union, I invite the loyal citizens of the State 
qualified to vote in public affairs, as hereinafter pre- 
scribed, to assemble in the election ])recincts designated 
by law, or at such jdaces as may hereafter be established, 
on the 22d day of February, 1864, to cast their votes for 
the election of State officers herein named, viz : 

" I. Governor. II. Lieutenant GoAcrnor. III. Se- 
cretary of State. IV. Treasurer. V. Attorney General. 
VI. Superintendent of Public Instruction. VII. Audi- 
tor of Public Accounts ; Avho shall Avhen elected, for the 
time being, and until others are appointed l)y competent 



CHAXGES OF MILITAUV COMMAXDEKS. 87 

authority, constitute the civil Government of the State, 
under the Constitution and laws of Louisiana, except so 
much of the said Constitution and laM's as recognize, re- 
gulate or relate to slavery, Avhich being inconsistent 
Avith the present condition of public aftairs, and plainly 
iiia])plicablc to any class of persons now existing within 
its limits, must be suspended, and they are therefore and 
hereby declared to be inoperative and void. This pro- 
ceeding is not intended to ignore the right of property 
existing prior to the rebellion nor to preclude the claim 
for compensation of loyal citizens for losses sustained by 
enlistments or other authorized acts of the Government. 

" II. The oath of allegiance prescribed by the Presi- 
dent's Proclamation, Avith the condition aiiixed to the 
elective francluse by the Constitution of Louisiana, will 
constitute the qualification of voters in this election. 
Officers elected by them will be duly installed in their 
offices on the Fourth day of March, 1864. 

" III. The Registration of voters, effected iinder the 
direction of the ]\Iilitary Governor and the several Union 
associations, not inconsistent with the Proclamation, or 
other orders of the President, are confirmed and ap- 
proved. 

" ly. In order that the organic law of the State may 
be made to conform to the will of tlie People, and har- 
monize Avitli the spirit of the age, as well as to maintain 
and preserve the ancient landmarks of civil and religious 
liberty, an election of delegates to a convention for the 
revision of the Constitution, will be held on the first 
Monday of April, 1864, The basis of representation, 
the number of delegates, and the details of election, will 
be announced in si;bsequent orders. 

" V. Arrangements will be made for the early elec- 
tion of members of Congress for the State. 

" VI. The fundamental law of the State is martial 
law. Tt is competent and just for the Government to 
surrender to the people, at the earliest possible moment, 
so much of military power as may be consistent with 



88 I.IKli OF A. V. DOSTIE. 

the success of military operation ; to prepare tlio way 
by ]>roin])t and Avise measures, for tlie full restoration of 
the State to the Union an<l its power to the people ; to 
restore their ancient and unsurpassed prosperity ; to en- 
larire the scope of at2:ricultural and commercial industry 
and to extend and confirm the dominion of rational 
liberty% It is not within human power to accomplish 
these results Avithout some sacrifice of individual ])reju- 
dices and interests. Proldems of State, too complicate 
for the human mind, have been solved by the national 
cannon. In great civil couAadsions, the agony of strife 
enters the souls of the innocent as Avell as the guilty. 
The Government is subject to the laAV of necessity, and 
must consult the condition of things, rather than the 
preferences of men, and if so be that its purposes arc 
just and its measures Avise, it has the right to demand 
that questions of personal interest and opinion shall be 
subordinate to the public good. When the national ex- 
istence is at stake, and the liberties of the people in peril, 
faction is treason. 

" The methods herein proposed submit the Avhole ques- 
tion of government directly to the people — first, by the 
election of executive officers, faithful to the Union, to be 
folio Aved by a loyal representation in both houses of Con- 
gress — and then by a couA'cntion which Avill confirm the 
action of the people, and recognize the principles of free- 
dom in the organic laAV. This is the Avish of the Presi- 
dent. The anniA'crsary of Washington's birth is a fit 
day for the commencement of so grand a Avork. The 
immortal Father of his Country Avas ncA^n* guided by a 
more just and benignant spirit than that of his successor 
in office, the President of the United States. In the 
hour of our trial let us heed his admonitions ! 

" Louisiana in the o})ening of her history scaled the 
integrity of the Union by conferring upon its govern- 
ment tlie Yalley of the Mississippi. In the Avar for in- 
dependence upon the sea, she croAvned a glorious strug- 
gle against the first maratime power of the Avorld, by a 



CIIAXGES OP MILITARY COMMANDERS. 89 

victory unsurpassed in the annals of war. Let her 
people now announce to the world the coming restora- 
tion of the Union, in which the ages that follow us have 
a deeper interest than our own, by the organization of a 
free government, and her fame will be immortal ! 

" N. P. Banks, M. G. C." 

Who shall be Governor ? was now the question asked 
by the loyal j^eople of Louisiana. Said Dostie, in refer- 
ing to that subject, " I will never vote for any man to 
fill that important office whom I do not know to be loyal 
to the Government, a strong opposer of slavery and a 
firm advocate of the just policy of President Lincoln." 
Durant, Ilahn, Flanders, Fellows and Howell were 
among the most prominent names. February 1st, 1864, 
the State Nominating Convention met at Lyceum Hall. 
The delegates chosen by the several ward meetings in 
the city of New Orleans, and those from the county 
j^arishes within the Union lines, met for the purpose of 
nominating candidates for the State offices. It was soon 
discovered that the clouds were thickening in the politi- 
cal horizon, and apprehensions were felt by those assem- 
bled that their cherished plans might be broken up. 
Soon harmonious action gave place to faction. A dis- 
position ^Yas shown by several members of the Conven- 
tion to spend the time in angry dispute and selfish 
intrigue. 

A motion was made tliat Durant be invited to address 
the Convention. Amid great confusion the question 
was put, and the chair declared it lost. It was then 
moved that Dostie be invited to address the Convention. 
The motion was put and declared lost. In great confu- 
sion the meeting adjourned. It Avas then proposed to 



00 IJFE OF A. 1'. DOSTIK. 

iv-()r<i;anizo the Convention and ])roceo(I with business. 
Mr. ^Vni. li. Fisli avus appointed eliairman, and Dr. Wm. 
II. Hire, secretary of tlie ineeting. 

The Convention requested Dostie to address them. 
Said lie, " In giving my opinion as to a suital)lc candi- 
(hite for the office of Governor of Louisiana, I know of 
no l)etter ITnion man — no better anti-slavery man — no 
better friend of the Administration than Michael ITahn. 

1 believe lum to l)e Avorthy the im])ortant trust the 
loyal people of Louisiana Avill place in the hands of their 
Governor." 

A Committee on resolutions presented the following to 
the Convention : 

''^Jlesolved,That Ave solemnly believe the L^nioii of these 
States handed doAvn by our revolutionary ancestors, of 
iniinitely more value than any falsely-termed State rights 
of any sectional institutions, and Ave deem it our most 
Kicred <luty as patriots to transmit it undivided to pos- 
terity. 

" /t'.s'o/rcd', That Avc as citizens of the United States, 
as Avell as of the State of Louisiana, know that the ob- 
servance of the Union depends on maintaining the 
supremacy of the Federal L^nion, and do, on the i)art of 
Louisiana, utterly disclaim any pretension to any rights 
not subservient of that supremacy, and hold her pri- 
mary allegiance as due to the Government of the United 
States. (Cheers.) 

'"'' ResoliH'd, That, regarding the mstitutiou of slavery 
as a great moral, social and political evil, ojjposed alike 
to the rights of one race and the interests of the other, 
and inconsistent Avith the principles of free govern- 
ment, Ave hail and desire its universal and hnmediate 
extinction as a public and i)rivate blessing. (Great ap- 
plause.) 

" Jif'solved, That Ave desire the princij)les of this State 
to be based upon a surer and broader foundation than 



CIIANGKS OF SriLITAIlY COMMANDERS. 91 

the operations of military order, and Ave will use every 
means in our power to hasten the day when they shall 
be embodied in a State Constitution that Louisiana is 
and shall forever remain a Free State. (Applause.) 

" Jiesolved, That Ave heartily approve of the plan 
adopted by General Banks to ensure that result as well 
as to restore the voice of Louisiana to the councils of the 
nation. (Cheers.) 

" Hesolved, That Ave Avill support no man as a candi- 
date for office Avho is xiuAvilling to subscribe to and 
pledge himself to carry out the principles set forth in 
the aboA'e resolutions." 

The resolutions Avere unanimously adopted. 
Michael Halin Avas nominated candidate for Governor. 
The roll of delegates Avas called, and he Avas declared 
the choice of the Convention. A committee Avas ap- 
pointed to inform him of his nomination, and request 
him to state Avhethcr he accepted the resolutions adopted 
by the Convention. His address to the Convention Avas 
as folloAvs : 

" Free-State men of Louisiana : 

" I haA'e only to say to you to-night that the resolu- 
tions AAdiich I understand have been adopted by you, 
Avere read by me to-da}^, and I approve heartily from 
the bottom of my heart every sentiment in those resolu- 
tions. (Applause.) I have but one pledge to give you, 
and that is, if elected Governor of Louisiana, so far 
as it lies in my humble poAver, there shall not be a 
slave in this State after the 22dday of February. (Great 
cheering.) 

" I thank you for the distinguished honor you have 
conferred upon me, and pledge you a faithful perforni- 
ance of the duties that Avill devolve upon me. I again 
thank you, and bid you good-night." 

Many of Dr. Dostie's friends desired to see him a can- 
didate for some State office. He had declined the nomi- 



92 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

nation of Secretary of State, and State Treasurer at the 
convention. At a meeting of the Free State Executive 
Committee, Col. A. C. Hills said : " The name of Dostie 
I am desirous of having on the Free State ticket. It 
Avill add to its strength. We all know his pure record. 
I request that he he urged hy the committee to accept 
some State office." To this request Dr. Dostie replied, 
" I regret that I can not comply with your wishes, but I 
sincerely believe that I can be more useful to the repubr 
lican party by not having my name on the ticket. I am 
no office seeker. My mission is to assist in making 
Louisiana a Free State ; I must request you to look else- 
where for a candidate for office." 

The arguments of his numerous friends, at last pre- 
vailed upon the Dr. to accept the nomination of Auditor 
of State. He was unanimously nominated by the Free 
State executive committee for that office. The integrity, 
firmness, honesty and devotion to principle made the 
name of Dostie a power in his party. The annexed is 
an article from the pen of A. C. Hills, editor of the N'ev) 
Orleans Era — one of the Union papers of that city, 
and a fearless advocate of freedom. " We are grati- 
fied to learn that this imflinching champion of the 
Union cause has, at the earnest request of his numerous 
friends, consented to accept the nomination for one of 
the State offices. The State Convention, at its meeting 
on the 1st instant, named Judge Atocha for the office 
of State Auditor, but that gentleman has since declined 
the honor ! and the duty of filling the vacancy devolved 
upon the Executive Committee. 

There is scarcely a Union man in this city but fully 
appreciates and acknowledges the valuable services in 



CHANGES OF MILITARY COMMANDERS. 93 

the cause of freedom and patriotism of Dr. A. P. Dos- 
tic. He has 1)een repeatedly urged by his friends to 
accept office, biit has strenuously refused to consent. 
Every man who enjoys the confidence of the Doctor is 
aAvare that what he has done for the cause has been at 
much personal sacrifice, without a desire to be rewarded 
in any other manner than by seeing the glorious jirinci- 
ples for which he is so sincere and efficient an advocate, 
triumphantly proclaimed in this the State of his adop- 
tion. The acceptance of office is another sacrifice asked 
at his hands by the friends of a Free State government. 
With this understanding, he has consented to accept the 
nomination for Auditor. There was no opposition in the 
selection by the Executive Committee. 

We all know the thoroughness of Dr. Dostie's charac- 
ter. Whatever enterprise he undertakes, receives his 
earnest attention. Although reluctant to enter upon the 
political arena, he will labor zealously for the success of 
the ticket ; his inflnence is great, and his name is an ele- 
ment of strength that must insure the success of the 
nominees of the Free State Union Convention." 

February 10th, 1861, thousands assembled upon La- 
fiiyette Square for the purpose of ratifying the nomina- 
tion of Ilahn for Governor, and the other candidates 
for State Offices. 

The following resolutions were adopted : 

" Whereas, The State of Louisiana, jjlaced by the act 
of traitorous men and the supineness of loyal ones in a 
position of hostility to the United States Government, 
is now by the success of the national arms and the 
clemency of the national executive, afforded an opportu- 
nity to resume her place in the Federal Union : 

" Whereas, A proportion of her citizens, more than 



94 lid: 01'" A. p, DosTir. 

equal to tliat demanded as requisite l)y tlie President's 
Proelamation of ])eeeniher 8tli, 1863, eoniprising not 
only those "who have always remained loyal, but many 
others who have returned to their allej^ianee, are anx- 
ious for the renewal of civil government and for that 
peace of which civil government is the proper re- 
presentative and national unity the only security ; and 

" IV/ioras, The barbarous and odious institution of 
slaver}', founded on injustice, fostered by pride and cu- 
pidity, a curse alike to the oppressor and the oppressed, 
has been for more than thirty years a cause of dissension 
between the different sections of this country, and has 
finally ri])ened into the bitter fruit of the existing re- 
bellion ; therefore, be it 

-Resolved, "• That in eifecting the reorganization of the 
civil government of Louisiana under the Constitution of 
the United States, Ave, the Free State Union party of 
Louisiana, heartily approve the plan adopted for that 
purpose by the Commanding General of this depart- 
ment as simple, practicable, and expeditious. 

" /i^.syj/rc (/, That wc fully indorse the Proclamation of 
Emancipation and all other acts of the President and of 
the Congress of the United States having for their object 
the suppression of the rebellion, 

^^ Hcsol re f7, That the mere setting free of slaves by 
the hand of the military power, we consider only the 
first step in that moral and political revolution which 
will not pause until the principle of universal freedom 
shall be embodied in the fundamental law of the land, 
and that we, the Free State Union party of Louisiana, 
recognizing this fact, will use every means in our power 
to bring about sucli a reform in the Constitution of this 
State as will insure to every human being within its 
borders the indisputable right of personal liberty. 

"■ Eesolved, That in the "lion. M. Ilahn, the candidate 
of the Free State party for Governor of Louisiana, we 
recognize a man fully up to the requirements of the 
times, identified with the interests of this State, as his 



CHANGES OF MILITARY COMMAXDERS. 95 

home, yet claiming the Avhole United States as his coun- 
try, conscious of unswerving loyalty and unconditional 
patriotism, yet ready to extend the hand of fellowship 
to all Avho even at the eleventh hour are Avilling to re- 
sume their allegiance ; a man of the people, deeply im- 
bued with the progressive spirit of the age, and ardently 
devoted to the cause of liberty, his election will be a 
triumph in Avhich every friend of loyalty and freedom 
will have reason to I'ejoice. 

" Jiesolved, That yvi} ai)prove and ratify the nomina- j. 
tions of J. Madison "Wells, Esq., for Lieutenant Gover- 
nor, S. Wrotnowski, Esq. ; for Secretary of State, Dr. 
Belden, for Treasury, B. L. Lynch, Esq., for Attorney 
General, Dr. A. P. Dostie for Auditor, and John Mc- 
Nair, for Superintendent of Public Education." 

The 22d of February, 1864 — an ominous day for tyran- 
ny ; an auspicious one for liberty — will be remembered, as 
the day which gaAC an impulse to the cause of freedom in 
Louisiana. It will be revered as the day Mdien a monu- 
ment Avas erected to the great Emancipator — the worthy 
successor of Washington. The events of that day de- 
cided the death of Constitutional Slavery in Louisiana. 

March 4th, 1864, vras the day chosen by the loyal 
people of Louisiana to express their gratitude for the 
prospects of enjoying constitutional rights. On that 
day — at early daAvn, noon and nightfall — salutes of one 
hundred guns were fired by batteries of artillery, under 
the command of Brigadier General Arnold. The salute 
at sunrise was the opening note of the day's festivities. 
At the same moment, all the public bells rung out a 
merry peal in honor of the day. The military turned 
out in force. Representatives from almost every l^attle- 
field Avere there. Men Avho had served under Scott, Mc- 
C'lcllen, Pope, Meade, Grant, Banks, Sheridan and Sher- 



96 LIFE OF A. 1\ DOSTIE. 

man — men from the army of the Gnlf and the army of 
the Potomac — the lieroes of Chattenooga, Vieksburg, 
Port Hudson, Lookout Mountain, and Missionary Ridge, 
assembled together on Lafayette Square to witness the 
inauguration of the State officers of free Louisiana. 
The United States navy were there. The brave tars that 
gallantly stood by Farragut at P'orts Jackson and St. 
Phillip's, rejoiced on that day in the remembrance of 
their struggles to redeem Louisiana from the ])o-\ver of 
treason. Flags of every nation were throAvn out in every 
direction. Public and private buildings displayed the 
national colors. Tlie ships and steamers in the harbor 
Avere decked in holiday attire. 

From the circular stand, on which the solemnities of 
the day were held, the immense structure radiated in the 
form of a semicircle, seat after seat rising up step after 
step, until more than fifteen thousand seats were formed. 
At the base of this was the orchestra of live hundred 
performers, Avith the fifty blacksmiths that kept time on 
their anvils like so many real Yulcans, In front and on 
each side of the stand Avas another great platform, on 
Avhich Avere seated iuA'ited guests, distinguished strangers, 
civil and military dignitaries. AVe are at a loss for 
Avords in which to convey to the reader a just concep- 
tion of the magnitude of this structure. Nor can Ave do 
so in any other Avay than by remarking that a half mil- 
lion feet of lumber and a ton of nails entered into its 
construction. 

From the centre flag-staft", long garlands of arbor- 
vitae, hemlock, juniper, cedar, pine, and. other evergreens 
reached to the circumference, forming a leafy canopy. 
Around the centre stand Avere evergreen Avreaths enclos- 



CHANGES OF MILITAUY COMMAXDERS. 97 

ing the coat of arms of tlic several States riciily cm- 
blazoned on heraldic shields. Across the front there 
hung like a veil a long line of signal Hags, l)otli those 
used in the naval service and the mercantile marine. 

Around the outer circle fifty cannon stood in battery ; 
from these, Avires led to a telegraphic instrument on the 
music stand at which Caj^tain Oias. S. Buckley jiresided. 
Not only did Captain Buckley fire the cannon, hut by 
the same instrument he rang all the bells in the city that 
were required to keep in unison with the music. From 
the centre of the stage a large banner was displayed 
Avith the arms of Louisiana richly emblazoned thereon. 

Each of the entrances to the Park was adorned with 
festoons of evergreens, and together the national colors 
wreathed in fantastic shapes. 

An immense semi-circular amphitheater has been raised 
for the accommodation of the luunerous schools, and the 
children began to arrive about o'clock, and by 10 the 
vast space devoted to them was completely occupied by 
gay faces with smiling looks. In front of the children 
was placed a circular platform, for the Governor and 
those Avho Avere to surround Jiim. From the centre of 
this platform arose a flag-staff bearing the national flag, 
and a ring suspended around the staff" at about half-mast, 
from which Avas stretched, in circular form, ropes entirely 
covered Avith evergreens, the other extremity of the 
ropes being fastened to the surrounding trees. These 
ropes Avere i)rofuse]y decorated Avith numerous flags, of 
various descriptions and lines, from the shipping. 

ENTRANCE OF THE GOVERNOR AND SUITE. 

The Governor and officers met at the City Hall, about 



Vo LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

1 o'clock, and at a quarter before 1 1 proceeded to the 
Square in company witli the distinguished military offi- 
cers and others. 

MUSIC. 

HAIL COLUMr.IA. 

By eight thousaiid school children. 
THE OATH 

ADMINISTERED TO OFFICERS. 

The oath of office was then administered to the Gov- 
ernor elect, in the presence of the Judges of the Su- 
preme Court, by lion. Judge Durell. 
MUSIC. 

STAR SPANGLED BANNER. 

By eight thousand school children. 
THE INAUGURAL 

ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR HAHN. 

MUSIC. 

ANVIL CHORUS, FROM " IL TROVATORE." 

Which was performed by the full band, accompanied 
by 50 time-beaters upon anvils and fifty pieces of ar- 
tillery. 

ADDRESS. 

BY MAJOR GENERAL BANKS. 

PRAYER. 

BY REV. MR. HORTON. 

" Almighty God, our Creator and our Preserver : We 
have too much to thank Thee for and too much to ask 
Thee for upon tliis present delightful occasion. Words 
are inadequate to express the gratitude that fills our 
hearts as we look upon this scene spread out before the 



CHANGES OF MILITAKY COMMAXDEKS. 99 

gaze of these masses and before the eye of tlie God of 
the Universe, lighted by the effulgence of His glory. 

" O God, we thank Thee that Thy love has abounded 
unto tliis people ; that Thy good providence has l)een 
extended over this great nation. We thank Thee that 
Thou hast made our nation great and glorious among 
the nations of the earth. We thank Thee for all the 
2)ast. We thank Thee even for this record of blood 
Avhich Thou hast required of tis ; because we believe 
that from this baptism of blood we shall rise to a higher 
and holier position before Thee and among the nations 
of the earth. 

" O God, we thank Thee for the pleasant auspices of 
this present occasion : that Thoii hast permitted Thy 
most gracious smiles to fall upon us as here we have 
created anew the form and empire of the law over this 
State, with all its rich and fertile territof}^, Avith all its 
brave sons and fair daughters, to honor Thy service in 
the future. 

" O God, we pray Thee to enable the officers that have 
been inaugurated to-day, faithfully to observe the obli- 
gations they have taken upon themselves. Aid and di- 
rect them in the faithful performance of their respective 
duties, and let Thy blessings rest upon them Avhilc they 
continue fiithful to their several trusts. 

"O God, Ave pray Thee noAV, as in the culminating of 
these exercises, Ave go out from this place to our respec- 
tive abodes, that the present may prove only a fit symbol 
of that glory and that blessing that shall crown the his- 
tory of this returning State. 

" O God, Avc thank Thee for the blessings of the mild 
rule Avhich avc have received even at the hands of the 



100 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

military ruler that has been appointed over us. Wc 
thank Thcc for the beneficent government of one who 
has been appointed over us in a semi-military position, 
whose rule has been one of integrity and patriotism. 

" We pray that Thy blessing may rest upon these Thy 
servants, who have been charged with the performance, 
and who have assumed the trusts which a confident 
people have reposed in them. 

" We pray, further, that under the shadow of the 
government ^\hich may be organized, free institutions, 
public education and religion may prosper and fiourish 
for all future time, even until the coming of the King- 
dom of our Lord Jesus Christ, Avith all its power and 
glory in this beautiful land that Thou has given to our 
common country. 

"May Thy richest blessing rest upon those whose 
business it is to train the minds of these children and 
upon those little ones whose voices have given us the na- 
tional anthems on this occasion. 

" May Thy blessings rest upon the Executive of these 
United States in the further and future discharge of the 
onerous duties of his position, and grant that Avhen 
another year shall have passed, and Ave are again called 
upon to place one in the highest position of authority 
and poAver in the gift of a free peoj^le that it may be to 
Avitncss a complete and final destruction of the rebellion 
in every State, and that the Avhole j^eojjle of the nation 
may feel that as a nation Ave shall be one and inseperable 
thi'ough all coming time. 

" We ask it in the name of Thy dear Son, to Avhom, 
with the Spirit, Ave Avould ascribe all honor and poAvcr, 
world Avithout end. Amen." 



CONSTITUTIONAL CONVEXTIOX OF 1864. 101 



CHAPTER Xn. 

LOmSIANA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1864. 

Three things "were evident to the reflecting minds of 
those who "were interested in the political aftairs of 
Louisiana in 1864. That the revolutionary movement 
advanced step by step to the complete restoration of the 
rights of suffering humanity; that it assailed tyranny 
and THAT ai'istocracy wliich sprang from despotic slavcrv, 
and that the social and political emancipation to Avhich 
events pointed, "would give to all the power to speak and 
act, according to the rights Avhich emanate from true 
Liberty. It was a revolution in right — a revolution in 
ideas — a revolution in facts. The form of slavery was 
no longer visible, but it had left its foot-prints upon the 
Constitution of the State and the black code lay like 
a bloody pall upon it, a disgrace to the Xation and its 
Government. 

On the 28th of March, 1864, an election was held, and 
delegates aj^pointed to a convention to be held for the 
revision and amendment of the State constitution. On 
the 1st of April the convention met at Liberty Hall. 
Much has been said and written against the members of 
that convention. There were corrupt men in that As- 
sembly. There was a Judas among the twelve Apos- 
tles ; there was an Arnold among our Revolutionary 



102 LIFE or A. p. DOSTIE. 

patriots ; a Davis iiv oiu- National councils, a Johnson 
among the Presidents of our llepuLlic, and there were 
traitors and conspirators in that Convention. Its ob- 
jects were to amend the Constitution, and abolish the 
name of slavery in Louisiana. Those acts were consum- 
mated on the 11th of May, 18G4. There are t\vo names 
connected Avith this Convention, which it will be well to 
remember, as future events present them in strange 
contrast. Judge Howell first agitated the slavery ques- 
tion in that Convention. Said he: "I have not troubled 
this Convention so far with any attempts at speecli-mak- 
ing, or presented any propositions ; but I think it is 
time to go to work. With a view to that purpose, I 
olFcr the following resolution ; 

" 1. Hesolved, That a committee of members be 

appointed by the President of this Convention, to Avhoni 
shall be refei-red the subject of immediate and j)erma- 
nent emancipation of slavery within the State of Louis- 
iana, with instructions to report as early as practicable 
ordinances and provisions in relation thereto, to be incor- 
porated in the Constitution of this State." 

When the vote Avas called for upon the amendments 
of the Constitution, Judge Abell said, "■ I consider this 
one of the most tyrannical things I have ever seen. In 
the name of the people of Louisiana I vote, »o." As 
Judge Abell is somewhat conspicuous in the history of 
Louisiana^ it may be well to trace some of his move- 
ments in the Convention of 1864. May 2d, he says in 
defence of slavery, " It is both a Scri])tural and lustori- 
cal institution, and should not be abolislied. It only 
slumbers and Avill l)e called into life wlien the people 
haA'e their Avill and are free from military Liav." On the 
same day ho opposed the education of colored children. 



CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1864. 103 

May 4th, in a lengthy argument he attempted to prove 
the riglit to liold men as property. Said, " the idea of 
tearing property to the amount of 900 milli<^)n dollars 
from slave-holders — the honest earnings of the people 
of Louisiana was a wrong he would fight on all oeea- 
sions." Thus he labored in that Convention to carry 
his infamous doctrines against freedom, equality and 
education, foreshadowing his future murderous course. 
The friends of progressive freedom in that Convention 
looked with the same contempt upon the impotent 
assaults of Judge Abell upon the cause of Liberty, as 
did the majority of Congress upon the futlie arguments 
of a Davis or a Saulsbury, who opposed the Constitu- 
tional Amendment in the Senate of the United States. 

An eventful and interesting portion of Dr. Dostie's 
life is associated with the Louisiana Convention of 1864. 
From the first day of the meeting until its close, he 
watched its deliberationswith intense interest. In every 
important debate, he might be seen at Liberty Hall, 
watching its movements with pale and thoughtful coun- 
tenance, his intellectual forehead flashing with emotion, 
and his penetrating eye lit up with patriotic fire as he 
noted the onward march of the principles of Liberty 
in the councils of his adopted State. 

In the official minutes of the Convention of 1864, we 
find this interesting relic, 

Mr. Abell rose to a question of privilege, and stated 
that he had received a communication of an extraordi- 
nary character, and believing it to be a breach of privi- 
lege, he wished to lay it before the Convention, and for 
that purpose asked that it might be read by the Secre- 
tary : 



104 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

\^Coirfidcnttal.^ 

"New Orleans, July 15th, 18G4. 
" E. Abell, Esq., 

'"'' Dear Sir: I entertain so stroni^ an aversion to the 
incorporation into the ' orscanic law ' of the words 'white,' 
' black' and ' color,' that I am induced in this conliden- 
tial note, (accompanied by a ])ro])Osed 'rider') to ask 
you to consider the projjriety of altering- the language 
of certain portions of the new constitution, so as to har- 
monize with the principle contained in this proposed 
' rider.' Many members of the Convention have had 
the kindness to say to the governor and myself, that 
they will do what they can to expunge the obnoxious 
words from the militia and educational bills, before the 
question of final adoption, as a whole, comes up. 
" Very respectfully, yours, 

"A. P. DOSTIE." 

This " extraordinary letter" was no doubt a criminal 
thing in the eye of Judge Abell, and his wrath, in view 
of the philanthrophy of Dostig, was treasured up for fu- 
ture action. 



DOSTIE AS AUDITOK OF STATE. 105 



CHAPTER XIII. 

DOSTIE AS AUDITOR OF STATE. 

The business before Dr. Dostie as Auditor of State 
was foreign to his former liabus of thought, yet after the 
first feeling of reluctance, lie entered, upon its details Avith 
characteristic energy, No man ever felt the responsibility 
of official business more than Dr. Dostie. He always de- 
fended his schemes for the public good upon the grounds 
of justice and economy, which sometimes brought down 
the denunciations of those selfishly interested, who ac- 
cused him of guarding the public more carefully than 
his position required. 

As Auditor of State he vigilantly watched and ex- 
posed abuses, which he considered in any Avay connected 
with his official duties. In his official relations he some- 
times contended with the members of the Convention 
and Legislature. In those discussions he always main- 
tained a respectful firmness, never yielduig to concilia- 
tory measures, or boisterous threats unless convinced 
of error. 

Said Dr. Dostie, " In my official capacity I must be 
allowed to act according to my convictions of duty." 
The following correspondence illustrates the above sen- 
timent : 



106 LIFE OF A. V. DOSTIE. 

"New Oeleaks, Nov. 12, 18G4, 
" lion. ]i. L. Lynch, Attorney General of Louisiana — 

" Sir : I respectfully call your attention to the folloAV- 
iiig facts and request your legal opinion in the matter at 
your earliest con\enience : Mr. E. P. Marrioncaux Avas 
elected on the 5t]i of September to represent the parish 
of Iberville in the House of Representatives, noAV in 
session, but declined to take his seat. On the 31st 
October an election was held to fill the vacancy occa- 
sioned by such declension, and Mr. P. L. Dufresne was 
elected. He took his seat in the House and was sworn 
in on the 2d of November. 

" The House passed the following resolution : 

" JBe it liesolved, That tlie said P. L. Dufresne, mem- 
ber elect of the parish of Iberville, be, and he is entitled 
to the same per diem and mileage allowed other mem- 
bers of the House, from the 3d day of October, 18G4." 

" A warrant, in the usual form, signed by the Speaker 
of the House and Chairman of the Finance Conmiittee, 
has been drawn on me for payment of Mr. Dufresne in 
accordance Avith the above resolution. 

" Is the action of the House in accordance with the 
constitutional law of the State ? Is it not positively un- 
constitutional ? If so, have I the right, and is it not my 
duty as Auditor, to refuse to pay, except for the time 
since his election ? Would it not be violating my oath 
of office to pay money from the State Treasury for ser- 
vices never rendered, and as per diem for an officer Avho 
did not exist, even though I had the sanction of the 
House to that effiict. 

" Article 32 of tlie new Constitution says : ' The mem- 
bers of the General Assembly shall receive from the 



DOSTIE AS AUDITOR OF STATE. 107 

public treasury a compensation for tlieir services, which 
shall be eight dollars per day during their attendance^ 
going to and returning from the sessions of their respec- 
tive Houses. The compensation may be increased or di- 
minished by law, but no alteration shall take cftect dur- 
ing the period of service of the members of the House of 
Ilepresentatives, by whom such alteration shall have 
been made.' By this article of the Constitution, it seems 
to me plain that he cannot be paid from the 3d to the 
31st of October, but only from the 2d of November to 
the 12th, inclusive, the time of actual membership. 

" This is no donation to him for relief or charity, (the 
House unquestionably has the right to make appropria- 
tions for such purposes), but for per diem as the resolu- 
tion expi'cssly states. 

" Hoping I may be honored with your opinion upon 
this important qxxestion as soon as practicable, I am, very 
respectfully yours, 

" (Signed) A. P. Dostie, Auditor." 



"New Orleans, Nov. 14, 18G4. 
" Hon. A. P. Dostie, Auditor of Public Accounts State 
of Louisiana — 

" Sir : The resolution of tlic House of Rejjresenta- 
tives relative to the per diem of the Hon. P. L. Dufresne, 
is a flagrant violation of the Constitution of the State 
of Louisiana, and you are fully justified in refusing 
to audit the warrant drawn upon you under that resolu- 
tion. 

"'The members of the General Assembly,' says Arti- 
cle 32 of the Constitution, 'shall receive from the Public 
Treasury a compensation for their service;-, Y.liich shall 



108 LllE OF A. 1>. UObTIi;. 

be eight dollars per day, during their attendance, going 
to and returning irom the sessions of their respective 
Houses,' and I cannot advise you to audit beyond the 
limits fixed by the Constitution." 

^' Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
" (Signed) B. L. Lynch, 

" Attorney General." 

The following is a letter written by the Auditor to 
the Senate, after it had dra^vn up resolutions of im- 
peachment against Dr. Dostie for refusing to audit cer- 
tain claims. 

New Orleans, Nov. 20th, 1864. 
To the Hon. Legislature of Louisiana : 

" Article 32d of the Constitution says : ' The mem- 
hers of the General Assenbly shall receive from the 
Public Treasury, as eompensatioji for their services,'''' 
ifee. If it can be shown to the Auditor, whose sworn 
duty it is to ' audit, adjust, and settle all claims against 
the State, according to the Constitution and laws,' that 
the Senator was a member of the General Assembly 
from the 3d of October, and has rendered services, then 
it will become the Auditor's duty to draw his Avarrant 
upon the Treasurer in payment for such services from 
that date ; but if on investigation of the claim it should 
be found that he was not a member, and had not ren- 
dered any services up to the 24th October, then the 
Auditor, by making such payment, would be violating 
his oath of office, forfeiting his bond to the State, and 
rendering himself liable to fine and imprisonment. 

" It is not, however, claimed by your resolution that 
the honorable gentleman was a member at the time in 
question, and as I have shown above, he was not an 
officer of the State until the 24th of October, therefore 
he is not legally entitled to compensation for services 
previous to this date. 

"Complaint cannot be made, in justice, of the State 



DOSTIE AS AUDITOR OF STATE. 109 

in adopting such rules, or of the Auditor for protecting 
the public treasury from unlawful demands. If the State 
did not, through her officers, correct errors of this cliar- 
acter, her losses would sometimes be very severe, and 
her ability to maintain her credit materially lessened. 

" For these reasons T must respectfully decline to dm av 
a warrant in pursuance of your resolution. Honorable 
Senators — I desire to say in conclusion that this de- 
cision is from a conscientious conviction of dutj', and not 
from any disposition to oppose your honorable body or 
clog the wheels of legislation. My history in the public 
aifairs of the State establishes beyond a doubt my love 
and reverence for the new Government of Louisiana, 
and that my prayers are fervent and continuous for the 
progress, prosperity and permanence of the government 
under the Constitution of 1864. 

" Let me pray that if you, in your superior wisdom, 
dissent from my views of law and duty, that you Avill, 
in your judgment, consider me honest and conscientious, 
and as not intending disregard or discourtesy towards 
the dignity of your body. 

" I am, very respectfully, yours, 

" A. P. DosTiE, Auditor." 

The position taken by the vigilant Auditor of State 
was decided correct, and an abuse, having no counte- 
nance of legality, was prevented. 



110 LIFE OF A. 1*. DOSTIE. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

DOSTIE AND DUUANT. 

The names of Durant and Dostie are intimately asso- 
ciated with the i:)olitical liistoiy of Louisiana during the 
rebellion. Both were natives of the State of New York. 
Both were self-made men, Dostie in his youth was a 
friend of liberty, and ever maintained its broad prin- 
ciples, which acted ever as a motive power and guiding 
star throughout his eventful life. Durant, in his youth, 
embraced the doctrines of slavery, and became an influ- 
ential slaveholder. Dostie Avas by nature impulsive, 
large hearted and fearless. Durant was deliberate, 
politic and cowardly. Dostie was by nature a democrat 
— one of the people. Durant was an aristocrat — holding 
himself above the masses. Dostie drew the hearts of his 
friends to him by a magnetism which emanated from his 
lionest, earnest soul. Durant repelled by his cold and 
studied manner. Dostie was a patriot ; Durant a politi- 
cian. Ambition was only a secondary consideration with 
Dostie. " Let us perish from the earth, if by our death 
equal rights and universal justice be promoted thereby," 
were the words of Dostie. " My slave interests must 
not be disturbed by the United States Government," 
Avere the Avords of Durant. Ay, and more ! In every 
public act, even up to the eventful year of 1864, he ex- 



DOSTIE AND DUEANT. Ill 

pi'essed the sentiment, " No republican government must 
be established in Louisiana, ■wherein my fame is not con- 
spicuous and my ambition is not gratified." 

President Lincoln and his executive acts relating to 
Louisiana, and the established Free State government of 
1864, were dear to the liberty-loving heart of Dostie, 
who regarded a word or an act against his authority in 
the light of sacrilege. 

The following correspondence may not prove uninter- 
esting as connected with the history of New Orleans 
in 1864. 

"Neav York, July 26, 1864. 

" Hon. Henry Winter Davis, Baltimore, Maryland : 

" Dear Sir — The friends of freedom in Louisiana, 
thwarted in their eftbrts by the acts of the Executive at 
Washington, had placed their hopes on the bill guaran- 
teeing ixs a republican form of government, Avhich you 
reported to the House of Representatives, and Avhich ob- 
tained such emphatic approval there and in the co-ordi- 
nate branch of Congress. We ha<l watched its progress 
with anxiety, for Ave perceived it would give us relief 
from the incapacity, and, as too many had cause to be- 
lieve, from the infidelity to freedom which had been the 
essential characteristics of Executive administration in 
our State. It is with the deepest mortification, there- 
fore, we find a measure aftbrding protection to loyal men 
by the only constitutional power known to the Govern- 
ment, defeated in its operation by the will of the Execu- 
tive, seeking to perpetuate in Louisiana all that incapa- 
city and selfishness can render odious to the citizens. 

" The executive is ' unprepared to declare that the free 
State constitutions already adopted and installed in Ar- 



112 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

kansas and Louisiana shall be set aside and held for 
naught, etc' 

" As to tlie assertion that a Free State constitution has 
been adopted in Louisiana, the Executive has fallen into 
a grave error. N'o Free State constitution hud oil the 
eigJith day of July — nor as yet — been adopted or installed 
in tlie fragment of Louisiana held by the military forces 
of the United States. 

" On the 24th of December, 1863, the Executive, in a 
letter addressed to the Major General commanding the 
Department of the Gulf, constituted that officer the 
' master.' 

" Mr. Ilahn was installed as Governor in New Orleans 

on the fourth of March, 1804, and on the fifteenth of that 

month there was addressed to him the following letter : 

" ' Executive Mansiox, ) 

"' Washington, March 15, 18G4. j" 

" ' His Excellency, Michael ILahn, Governor of Louisiana : 

" ' Until further orders you are hereby invested with 
the powers exercised hitherto by the Military Governor 
of Louisiana. 

" ' Yours, truly, Abraham Lincoln.' 

" The missive is worthy of remark. It is signed by 
the incumbent of the Executive oftice, but not as Presi- 
dent. It is not countersigned by the Secretary of State ; 
and it bears not tlu- seal of the Government. It is un- 
ofticial. Yet in efl'ect it appoints an oHicer — Military 
Governor of a State — unknown to the Constitution and 
laws of the United States. 

" The so-called Constitutional Convention now sitting 
in New Orleans was elected under the same usurped 
authority, and evinces the same aversion as the Governor 
to that })rinciplc, which in Louisiana can alone ' establish 



DOSTIE AND DUEANT. 113 

justice and ensure domestic tranquility ' — eqiiality of all 
men before the law — the failure to recognize which is, 
indeed, a defect in your bill, not pointed out by the Ex- 
ecutive, The work of this Convention all the friends of 
freedom in Louisiana hope and trust, will be rejected by 
the Congress, as emanating from an usurpation of power 
by the Executive, no matter what may be its provisions. 
"The journalists, politicians and public men of our 
country hold two sets of opinions, one for their private 
use, which they believe in, the other for public displays, 
so that what appears to be public opinion cannot be 
trusted as the opinion of the public. If this do not 
cease, the cause of liberty is in danger. Our leading men 
look too much to the law and the people : 

" ' Full well they laugh, Avith counterfeited glee, 
At all his jokes, for many a joke has he.' 

but in secret they deplore the calamity of a choice they 
dare not repudiate, from the unfounded fear that opposi- 
tion would secure the success of an auti-national candi- 
date. No nation Avill vote its own destruction, though 
the catastrophe may be accomplished by voting for in- 
competent men. 

" There cannot be a difference of opinion as to the 
conduct of the Executive in stifling your bill, and thus 
prolonging arbitrary government over the loyal inhabi- 
tants of Louisiana, and defeating the will of the nation ; 
and it is sincerely to be hoped that the Executive may 
yet be made to understand that the representatives of the 
people are the only power competent to organize civil 
government in the insurrectionary districts. 

" I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

" Thomas J. Durant." 



114 LIFK OF A. P, DOSTIE, 

"New Okleaxs, Dec. 29, 18G4. 
"Hon. Henry L, Dawes, Chairmiiu Committee on Elec- 
tions, House of Representatives, Washington, D. C: 

" Dear jSh- : I see hj the newspapers tliat tlie Congres- 
sional delegation from Louisiana has been met by a pro- 
test from thirty-one citizens of Louisiana under the 
leadership of Thomas J. Durant. 

" The friendly spirit you manifested towards the Union 
men of Louisiana in your successful efforts for the ad- 
mission of her Representatives to Congress in Februaiy, 
18G0, and the important official ])osition you occupy with 
reference to questions of this kind, lead me to address 
you hurriedly some remarks with the A'iew of enlighten- 
ing you on the political antecedents of Durant. 

" The insidious efforts of this man to thwart and de- 
feat the restoration of Louisiana to the Union, make it 
highly proper, if not necessary, that some notice should 
be taken of his movements. He appears to have the re- 
putation abroad of being identified with the Free State 
movement here and to have caused many citizens of 
other States, including members of Congress, to believe 
him to be the Magnus Apollo of our cause. 

" During the reign of the Confederacy in this city he 
was one of its most obedient adherents. He conformed 
to the requirements for members of the bar and entered 
as one of the earliest and most active practitioners in the 
' Confederate States District Court.' In doing this he 
showed much more readiness than after the arrival of the 
Union fleet when he refused to practice his profession for 
some six months on account of having to take the oath. 
" Here is a specimen of Durant's practice in the so- 
called ' Confederate States District Court,' which may be 



DOSTIE AND DUKANT, 115 

seen in liis OAvn hand writing in the United States Court 
of this place : 

" John L. Manning, &c., vs. Romanta Tillotson. — 
In the Confederate States District Court for the District 
of Louisiana. 

" And now into this lionorahle Court, by counsel, 
comes Romanta Tillotson, the defendant, and pleads a 
peremptory exception to the jurisdiction of the Court, 
and for cause of exception he shows that this suit is 
brought by and on behalf of persons Avho are all citizens 
of the State of South Carolina, and that the defendant 
is a citizen of the State of Louisiana, and that this Court 
has no power or jurisdiction by the Constitution and laws 
of the Confederate States to entertain the cause. 

" Wherefore, respondent prays that this exception may 
be mahitained, and that the plaintiif 's petition may be 
dismissed. 

(" Signed) Dukant & Hornok, 

" for Defendant. 
(" Signed) Singleton & Slack, 

" Attorneys. 
" U. S. Circuit Court, Sixth Circuit and ) 
Eastern District of Louisiana, r 
Clerk's Office. ) 
" I certify the foregoing to be a true copy of the ori- 
ginal on file in this office. 

" F. B. ViNOT, 

" Deputy Clerk. 
" New Orleans, Dec. 27, a. d. 18G4." 

" When the hearts of the L^nion people of New Or- 
leans Avere gladdened by the arrival of the Union forces, 
who among the citizens went out with rejoicing and wel- 
come ujion his lips ? Was it Thomas J. Durant ? no ! 
He was invited to attend the first L^nion meeting, in 
Polar Star Hall. He did so, When the formation of 
a Union Association was proposed, he resisted it. Said 



116 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

" It Avas noAV no time for such an organization, lliat our 
sons and brothers were upon the battle-field. That the 
result of Corinth was not yet known ; that it behooved 
the people of New Orleans to await results ; that Butler 
was enticing the negroes to the Custom-house and shield- 
ing them from the authority of their masters, and that 
it was best to know first whether our rights to our 
property Avere to be respected or violated. When the 
Assembly proceeded to organize the First Union Asso- 
ciation, Durant M'ithdrcw. 

" This man sets himself up as a sort of model upon the 
slavery question ; in fact, his " I am holier than thou " 
sort of professions upon everything concerning the col- 
ored people — his refusal to give credit to the Free State 
movement for Avhat it has done for their cause, make 
it necessary that I should analyze his antecedents strictly 
upon this question. I should not do so but for his im- 
fairness and unjustness. Far be it from me to question 
any man's jiast, Avho is patriotically working for our 
country's future. 

" That Durant has been no stranger to the system of 
slavery, the following document which may be seen at 
the Conveyance Office of this city will show. 

"Ninth May, 1851 — Sale of Slaves op Widow 
Peter Cenas to Thomas J. Dueant. By act passed 
before W. Christy, Notary Public, dated the 28th day 
of October, 1845, Pauline Maria St. Jean, widow of the 
late Peter Censas, late of this city, deceased, has sold 
unto Thomas J. Durant, also of this city, the following 
named slaves, to wit : llosanna, a negress aged about 
twenty-nine years, and her three children, to Avit : Eliza- 
beth, aged about seven years, Tyler, aged about three 
years, and Sally, an infant, aged about six months — all 
black. 



dostil: axd dur.vnt. 117 

" That pale was made for the sum of eight hundrecl 
doHavs, ($800), for Avhich said purchaser has fui-nislicd 
his note bearing eight per cent, interest from its date 
until final payment, drawn in favor of said vender, dated 
28th October, 1845. New Orleans, 9th May, 1851. 

" Bernard Marigxy, llcgistcr." 
" Among the first notable propositions made by him as 
a Union man was to restore Louisiana to the Union by 
a Convention. He made several speeches in faAor of 
immediate restoration by that method, and after most 
earnest and persevering eiforts he succeeded in carrying 
one of the Union Associations in his favor. Those who 
opposed him believed in his views but deemed them pre- 
mature. This was in February, 1863. He continued 
agitating the question in the district or local clubs. 
He became Attorney General under the military authority 
of Gov. Shepley, and commenced a registry system for 
voters of the city and country parishes. He had regis- 
ters appointed in all the parishes within the lines. He 
got up a plan of a Convention U2:)on the white basis, to 
consist of one hundred and fifty members apportioned 
among the parishas almost identically as was adopted in 
the calling of the Convention of 1864. It was under- 
stood thatDurant was the actiA'e promoter of the scheme 
of a convention, but that Governor Shepley always 
found cause for delay. Excepting his penchant for 
delay, he left everything in Durant's hands ; and with 
this Durant was Avell pleased. But a certain, letter was 
received from President Lincoln, Avho, not pleased with 
Shepley's delays, placed everything in the hands of Ma- 
jor General Banks. 

" Here was the beginning of Durant's hostility to the 
plan which has been substantially followed in the re- 



118 UFi: OF A. p. nOSTIE. 

storation of Louisiana. Before that time there "was, 
according to /lis oirn speeches, terrltori/ enough and 
populcttion c)iOU(jh fully Xo warrant such a proceeding. 
Taking the thing out of Shepley's hands was taking it 
out of ])urant's liands. vVlthougli all the i)ropositions 
and plans of Durant have hecn substantially, nay almost 
identically followed, his opinions have undergone a radi- 
cal change. What caused that change to come 'o'er 
the spirit of his dreams?' Disa]>poiutment and ambi- 
tion. He could not rule as 'master,' therefore he has 
striven to ruh\. 

" In his letter to 11. Winter Davis he says: 
'"No free State Constitution had, on the 8th day 
of July, been adopted or installed in the fragment 
of Louisiana held by the military forces of the United 
States.' On the 11th May the Convention, represent- 
ing fully two-thirds of the entire population of the 
State, passed the Ordinance of Emancipation. Eighty- 
five members of the Convention were present and voted 
upon the great question. Of this number seventy-two 
A'oted in favor of the Ordinance, declaring slavery for- 
ever abolished and prohibited throughout the State, and, 
inhibiting in their fiat the Legislature from making laws 
recognizing the right of property in man, and proclaim- 
ing that all children, from the ages of six and eighteen 
years, shall be educated by maintenance of free public 
schools ; also, that all able bodied men in the State 
shall l)e armed and disciplined for its defence, and that 
t:ic l)lack man may receive the full rights of citizenship. 
Are not these jewels of liberty ? With these invalua- 
ble jewels the Constitution Avas adopted in the hearts 
of the people. The form or ceremony of ratification 



DOSTIE AXD DUKAXT, 119 

liad not been gone through 'tis true ; but Mr. Dr.rant, 
from liis knowledge of the loyalty of his felloAV-citizens, 
could scarcely help knowing it Avould be ratified by an 
immense majority, and if he was imbued with that 
patriotism and love of liberty his eloquent speeches in 
his saner and more generous moments portray, he would 
feel to thank those wdio stood by the helm of the ship 
when he was. in the hold endeavoring to scuttle and 
sink her. 

" Durant participated in the election for State officers in 
February, 18G4 ; he was chairman of a committee which 
conducted the campaign for one set of candidates ; he 
made numerous publications and speeches, and his part- 
ner, Chas. W. Horner, who now ' certifies' the protest, Avent 
before the people on Durant's ticket as a candidate for 
Attorney General ! The Durant ticket obtained only 
about one-sixth of the entire vote cast. Finding the 
weakness of his party, and abandoning all hope of being 
returned to the Constitutional Convention, he suddenly 
came to the conclusion that he would not be a candi- 
date, ' because the whole movement was irregular !' 
His partner was, however, again a candidate, and again 
unsuccessful. If Durant or his partner had been elected, 
it is fair to assume that we would have had none of their 
pigmy eftbrts to retard the great Free State movement 
in Louisiana. And if the President, in compliance Avith 
his Avishes had directed General Butler to respect Slave 
property, Durant Avould not haA^e sought in his published 
letter to H. Winter DaAds to have ridiculed our glorious 
Lincoln. 

" I have Avritten more in a spirit of sorrow than in 
anger. My aim has been nothing to extenuate nor oi;g]it 



120 LIFE OF A, P. DOSTIE. 

to set down in malice; but I have considered it my duty 
as a good citizen to unmask the conduct of one wlio lias 
immodestly and unjustly sought to thrust himself be- 
fore the country as the only consistent Union and Free 
State man of Louisiana, and thus sought to injure the 
glorious cause of loyalty and restoration, under our new 
Constitution. 

With high regard, I am, very respectfully yours, 

A. P. DOSTIK. 

January 2d, 1865, Thomas J. Durant wrote to the 
editor of the " Anti-Slavery Standard : " " The citizens 
elected to fill the State offices in Louisiana have no con- 
fidence in the civil administration, and pronounce it 
powerless to punish oftenders. 

" Not long since, one Michael Gleason, a Avhite man, Avas 
tried before a Court and Jury in this city, on an indict- 
ment for the murder of a negro boy, by wantoidy and 
without the slightest provocation throwing him into the 
Mississippi river, from a steamboat lying at the levee, 
and thus causing his death by drowning. Four eye- 
witnesses, all of African descent, testified to the horrid 
crime ; there was no countervailing evidence on the part 
of the accused, but he was at once acquitted by the 
Jury. Mr. Attorney-General B. L. Lynch, who was 
elected on the 22d of February, 1864, at the same time 
with Mr. Hahn, the Governor, had, under the same 
military order from the Major-General commanding the 
Department of the Gulf, prosecuted this case Avith an 
honorable zeal for the cause of public justice. 

" Li subsequently commenting on this deplorable result, 
Mr. Lynch said : " I spared no pains, I resorted to every 
legitimate means in my power to succeed in bringin3- 



DOSTIK AND DURANT. 12X 

upon the head of the murderer the punishment richly 
due to his appalling ci-ime. I failed ! and why did I 
fail ? It was, in my opinion, on account of the color 
of the poor murdered youth ! It was on account of the 
complexion of the four truthful witnesses, whom the 
Jury affected not to believe. It is enough to chill the 
blood to reflect on the horrid verdict of the twelve men, 
who swore they would ' true deliverance make,' and 
who, in effect, decided last Monday, in the First District 
Court of New Orleans, that colored people are outside 
the protection of the laws, for the maintenance of which 
they are gallantly baring their bosoms to the bullets 
and the bayonets of the enemy, on the battle-fields of 
the rebellion.' 

" This official exposition of the condition to which, 
under this abnormal State government, the citizens of 
African descent are reduced, ought to arrest the atten- 
tion of the friends of freedom throughout the nation. 
If the man of color is thus to be left to the desjDotism of 
rulers who have no sympathy with him, what a snare 
and a delusion is the pretended gift of liberty ?" 

The folloAving communications prove that injustice to 
the colored man was not the fault of the State Officials 
of Louisiana in 1864. 

" Office of Superintendent, Negro Labor, Depart- ) 
ment of the Gulf, New Orleans, June 17, 1864. \ 
" Charles Leaumont, Recorder 2d & 3d District : 

" Sir: For the purpose of ascertaining the exact legal 
status of the colored population of this city, particularly 
those who previous to the arrival of the United States 
army were slaves, I have the honor to respectfully solicit 
a reply to the following questions : 



122 LIFE OF A. r, DOSTIE. 

"T. Do you consider the laws of the State in relation 
to slavery in operation at the present time ? 

"II. Can negroes reeeive ecpial justice Avith wliite 
persons without reference to their social condition pre- 
vious to the war in the court under your jurisdiction ':' 
"I have the honor to he, 

" Very respectfully your obdt. serv't, 
(" Signed) Geo. 11. JIaxks, 

" Colonel and Supeiiiitendent of Negro Labor," 

The Ivecorder evaded the res|)onsil)ility of a legal 
opinion in reply, and sent the following note to Attorney 
General Lynch : 

" Recorder's Office, Second District, }_ 
Neav Orleans, June 17th, 1864. \ 
" To B. L. Lynch, Esq., Attorney General : 

"/S'^V.•The accompanying communication addressed 
to me by Colonel Hanks Avas this day received, and is 
respectfully referred to you for ansAver. 

" Yours Kespectlully, 
("Signed) Cuas. Leaumont, 

" Recorder 2d and ;kl Districts." 

The folloAving extract is from the oHicial opinion of 
Attorney General B, L, Lynch, rendered on the 18th of 
June, 1864, in reply to the communication of Colonel 
Hanks : 

"On the 22d of September, 1862, a proclamation was 
issued by the President of tlie United States, setting 
forth, that ' on the 1st day of January, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, 
all persons held as slaves Avithin any State, or designated 
part of a State, the ]>eople Avhereof should then be in 
rebellion against the United States, should then, thence- 
forth and forever be free.' 

"Furthermore the President announced that, on the 
1st day of January, 1863, he Avould, by proclamation, 



DOSTIE AND DURANT. 123 

designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which 
the people tlierein, respectively, should then be in rebel- 
lion against the' United States. 

" The President, on the first day of January, 1863, did 
accordingly issue his proclamation, declaring the State 
of Louisiana to be one of the States then in rebellion, 
and proclaimed that all persons held as slaves Avithin 
that State, with the exception of those in certain Parishes, 
were and should be thenceforth free. 

" The Parishes exempted from the operation of the 
Emancipation Proclamation were the following : St. 
Bernard, Plaquemines, Jetferson, Si. John, St. Charles, 
St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terrebonne, La- 
fourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, which ex- 
cepted Parishes Avere left in the condition as though the 
proclamation had not been issued. 

" On the 11th of January, 1864, Major General Banks 
issued a proclamation, abolishing slavery in the above 
named thirteen Parishes, exempted in the President's 
Proclamation. This proclamation was not disapproved, 
and perhaps was suggested by President Lincoln. 

"The present State Government was re-organized 
under the constitution and laws of Louisiana, except so 
much of the said constitution and laios as recof/nize, re- 
gulate, or relate to slaveri/, v^hich being inconsistent loith 
the present condition of public affairs, and plainly inap- 
plicable to any class of persons existing loithin its limits, 
was sus^yended and declared to be inoperative and void. 

" Whether the President and his subordinate. General 
Banks, in their action Avere warranted by the constitu- 
tion of the United States upon military necessity, need 
not be enquired into here. I believe they Avere consti- 
tutionally empoAvered to issue and enforce the proclama- 
tions aforesaid. Be that, hoAvever, as it may, you and I, 
and loyal citizens of Louisiana have sAvorn to support 
those proclamations, and abide by them so long as they 
are not declared to be unconstitutional by the Supreme 
Court of the nation. 



124 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

" I am, therefore, of opinion tliat all negroes and per- 
sons of color in the State of Louisiana arc free dejure / 
that all negroes and colored persons in Louisiana, within 
the Federal lines are free de jure et defacto. I think 
they have a legal right to testify as witnesses in Courts 
of Justice, for and against white persons, as well as 
each other ; that they may sue and be sued in all cases ; 
that they are entitled to trial by Jury, to the writ of 
Habeas Corpus ; in short, that they stand on the same 
footing before the laAV as white aliens residing in the 
country," I 

Although through politic motives on the part of Du- 
i-ant, there was no conflict between Durant and Dostie 
in many of the acts favoring the great movements of 
the cause of freedom in Louisiana, when the Free State 
government Avas attacked by Durant, the antagonism 
between the two men became most strongly marked. 



CANDIDATES FOR COXGRESS. 125 



CHAPTER XV. 

LOUISIANA CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS IN 1864. 

August 13th, 1864, the friends of a free Constitution 
met in New Orleans to ratify the nomination of Abra- 
ham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson, and to exj^ress their 
approbation of the new Constitution which was to be 
submitted to the people of the State on the 5th of Sep- 
tember. 

A series of political meetings were proposed, for the 
purpose of obtaining a united support for the Free State 
condidates for Congress. On the 29th of August the 
delegates of the nominating Convention met at Liberty 
Hall, and proceeded to make choice of candidates for 
Congress which resulted as follows : First District, M. 
F. Bonzano ; Second District, Col. A. P. Field ; Third Dis- 
trict, W. D. Mann. Judge Abell announced himself 
an independent candidate for Congress, in opposition to 
Mr. Bonzano. Said Dr. Dostie, in referring to the two 
last named candidates, at a republican meeting : " Gen- 
tlemen, you have now before you two candidates for 
Congress, both members of the late Convention, one in 
favor of slavery, the other the friend of liberty — which 
will you send to our National Councils to work for the 
people of Louisiana ? Abell, the advocate of oppression, 



126 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

or Bonzaiio, the lover of freedom." " Bonzaiio !" was the 
cry of the pco})le. 

In an address before a Union meeting, Dr. Dostie 
gives the following reasons for announcing himself an 
independent candidate for Congress against A. P. Field : 

" For the lirst time in my life I api)ear before you 
under circumstances of embarrassment. For the first 
time do I stand before you voluntarily as an aspirant for 
office. 

" You all know that I liold an office whicli I did rot 
seek. I refused the office of Seci-etary of State, and 
twice was the Auditorship offered me before I consented 
to accept it. Before tlie war I followed a profession 
which yielded me every desirable comfort, and I never 
was an office seeker. 

" But now I do ask your suffrages for the high and 
important position of a lieprcsentativc to" Congress. 
Not that I have the vanity to suppose myself more 
competent for that position than any otlier, but the 
Convention last night nominated Col. A. P. Field, Avhom 
you all know as the champion of the Masonic Hall 
clique — and as a foremost defender of Copperheadism — 
the friend of the Yoorhees and the Vallandigham school. 
You know how I interrogated him a few nights ago, 
and how he evaded declaring himself for the new Con- 
stitution. How did he go to Congress? You all know 
how it was. And how, after Congress sent him home, they 
kindly gave him fifteen hundred dollars for Ins visit. I do 
not want a gentleman of such ])rinciples — allied to Cop- 
perheadism — to represent redeemed and disenthralled 
Louisiana in the Congress of my country. I am his 
equal in all the virtues of manhood — I am his supei'ior 



CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS, 12'7 

in the advocacy of the God-given principle of liberty to 
all men. I do not wish Louisiana disgraced by sending 
a man of his Copperhead sentiments. Where have you 
ever heard his voice raised either in debate or on the 
streets in defence of the principles of liberty ? lie has 
vilified Butler and others to whom you owe so much. 
It is for these reasons that I have voluntarily acquiesced 
in the solicitations of my friends, and become a candi- 
date for Congress." 

Col. T. B. Thorpe, the same evening spoke in de- 
fence of the new Constitution and of the necessity of 
having good and loyal men to represent the State in 
the Legislature and in the Congress of the L^nited 
States, concluding his eloquent defense of the Constitu- 
tion as follows : 

"Fellow-citizens, my name has been mentioned in con- 
nection with Congress. From causes to which I will 
not allude, a gentleman has been nominated in my place 
whom I have never heard of as practically sympathizing 
in this Free State movement, a gentleman, who, if his 
own language delivered on a recent occasion at the 
Jackson Railroad depot is to be believed, holds the Free 
State party, the Constitution, and the military repre- 
sentatives of the Federal Government in utter contempt. 
I respect Col. Field as a gentleman distinguished in the 
law, and I admired the boldness and power with which 
he assaulted the Free State party — with which he 
poured forth his utter condemnation upon our most 
cherished political principles. I was surprised, however, 
at his bitterness against the Federal Government, dis- 
played in his sweeping denunciations of Federal officers 
and soldiers. Let the gentlemen Avho took the respon- 



128 LIFE or A. p. DOSTIE. 

sibility of the nomination bear the consequences, for ii 
has either demoralized the party, or it will work a re- 
generation. 

" But the Free State party of Louisiana, our Constitu- 
tion, and our attachment to the Union, do not depend 
npon single individuals ; and while I step aside in the 
great contest, another name appears, bright with every 
association of loyalty ; a name so identified Avith every 
step in the regeneration of Louisiana that it will shine 
brightly in history for years and years to come. I mean 
the chivalrous, zealous martyr-patriot, A. P. Dostie. 
He has been announced as the Union standard bearer 
in this Congressional contest, as he Avill come out by 
your free and independent suffrage, the orator of the 
field. He has not to come before you at the last mo- 
ment to attest his love for free institutions ; he has not 
to get up endorsements to prove that his heart and soul 
are with us. When the rebel rule Avas in its height in 
this city. Dr. Dostie, in the impetuosity of his nature, 
could not control his hatred of the tyrants Avho had 
ruined his country, and his open defiance of the men 
who were guilty, led to his banishment from your midst. 
What Dr. Dostie has done for the cause of freedom 
since his return from exile, you know as w^ell as I ; for 
a more indefatigable, a more thorough, a more gen- 
uine apostle of freedom never enlisted in the great 
cause. 

" Send Dr. Dostie to Congress — his earnestness in the 
national capitol will have a beneficial effect upon all 
who come in contact with him ; his indefatigable indus- 
try will surprise the sleepy guardians of the national 
honor, his unflinching determination to carry through 



CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS. 129 

his cherished principles, will give strength to those who 
are despondent, and comfort those who like himself arc 
in earnest. He has qualities that are eminently needed 
to carry on a reform, to assert and maintain our civil 
rights, to defend our new Constitution, and to get Con- 
gress to receive our delegation, and once more admit 
our State in full fellowship in the glorious constellation 
of stars. Elect Dr. Dostie to Congress, and in your 
devotion to him show the people of the North that the 
Free State men of Louisiana have no compromise with 
Copperheadism, no matter in what form it makes its 
appearance, that w^e want no candidates who make death- 
bed repentances, or become suddenly convei'tcd just 
before the meeting of a nominating Convention ; that 
we will have nothing but tried men Avho have served in 
the field, fought our battles, and helped to win our vic- 
tories, none in this Congressional election but men like 
Dr. Dostie." 

The following from the pen of General Banks is ex- 
pressive of the state of ^flairs during that Congressional 
contest : 

" The events of the day show that a more general 
interest will be manifested in the coming election than 
has been anticipated. The Times, hitherto studiously 
silent upon the ratification of the Constitution, although 
unsparing in its censure of the Convention that framed 
it, now urges its readers to its support. ' We might,' it 
says, ' with reason, advance many objections to this 
Constitution, but we could, with still more reason and 
justice, advance many arguments for its adoption. 
Therefore, we shall vote for it, and urge upon all who, 



130 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

perhaps, would desire to do better, to do the best they 
can, and give in their adhesion and support. 

" If the efforts for reconstruction of government in 
Louisiana are successful and recognized, peace is pos- 
sible and proximative. 

" The Tribune^ a journal ostensibly devoted to the 
intei-ests of the colored race, but apparently controlled 
by white men who seem to have failed in the struggle 
for leadership in the work of reconstruction, says, that 
of three alternatives presented to the people of Louisiana, 
all of which are elaborately argued, the true course is 
to vote against the Constitution. Its authors are un- 
principled trickstei-s, it says, and their work must neces- 
sai-ily be detrimental to the public weal. The Tribune 
exhibits as much force in the expression, as the Times 
does in the suppression of its real sentiments, and puts 
the strongest point upon its avowed hostility. 

" The canvass in the parish of Orleans is animated, 
and reminds one of the contests of 1860. Opposition 
more resolute and capable is the only aliment required 
to give to the political arena tlie interest once inspired 
by ' the contests of the fierce democracy. ' 

" "We are informed that between nine and ten thou- 
sand legal votes are registered to the parish of Orleans 
alone. The vote of the State is likely to exceed that of 
the gubernatorial election some five thousand, probably 
presenting an aggregate vote of fifteen to seventeen 
thousand. This is certainly a sanguine, perhaps an over 
estimate. 

" In the First Congressional District the contest will 
be animated, and the vote large. Abell and Bonzano 
are the candidates — the first opposing the Constitution 



CANDIDATES FOR COXGRESS. 131 

and emancipation, and the latter (Bonzano) advocating 
the Constitution witli emancipation and compensation 
for loyal slaveholders. Bonzano is the author of the 
article of emancipation as it stands in the Constitution 
to be voted upon, and Mr. Abell was its most persistent 
and able opponent. 

" In the Second District, Dr. Dostie, independent, op- 
poses Mr. Field, a supporter of the Constitution, b\it 
of strong Democratic proclivities. Mr. Field is known 
to the country as the unsuccessful claimant of a seat 
in the House of Representatives last winter. He failed 
in being recognized, on account of the fact that no 
opportunity Avas given for a general participation in the 
election, and the small vote given for the various can- 
didates claiming membersliip to the House of Represen- 
tatives. He is a strong man on the stump, and will 
make his mark in the councils of the nation if elected. 
But the faithful doubt him, and he has for an opponent 
Dr. Dostie, State Auditor. Dr. Dostie is regarded by 
his opponents as the Robespierre of the revolution with- 
out the passion for bloodshed with which his ancient 
Republican prototype has been charged, his defenders 
say falsely charged. Whatever is true of Robespierre 
of the French Revolution, his successor of the great 
American Rebellion is governed by a sjiirit of the 
purest benevolence. He is earnest, but not malevolent, 
' he roars you as gentle as a sucking dove ;' even in his 
anger. In former times when the city was decimated 
by pestilence, the Doctor was one of the leading men 
of the Masonic Order who dared death in every form, 
and carried to every stricken fellow-man, comfort and 
consolation, if not relief — the Garibaldi of the hospitals. 



132 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

Between these contestants the struggle will be animated, 
not virulent. ' Let the winners pass !' 

" It will not be strange if Louisiana becomes the 
pivot upon which the revolution will turn; at any 
rate, it already attracts a large share of public atten- 
tion. 

" The manifesto of recent date upon our state 
affairs has excited more discussion than any political 
paper for some years. 

" We are informed upon very good authority, that the 
President has written a letter expressing his approval of 
the draft of the Constitution to be submitted to the 
people, and an earnest desire for its ratification by them. 
It is therefore an affair of moment in the minds of other 
people than our own." 

From among the many cards sent to the city papers, 
expressing a desire to see Dostie, the friend of education, 
in Congress, Ave select the following, as expressive of the 
feelings of many of the loyal teachers in New Orleans 
in 18G4: 

" Although the political issues involved in the present 
Congressional canvass are of paramount importance, yet 
it may not be out of place to consider such other issues 
as are collateral to tlie main question : educational mat- 
ters of vital importance will be placed in the hands of 
the next Congressional Kepresentative. Louisiana has 
not yet availed herself of that bountiful donation of 
land offered by Congress to establish Agricultural Col- 
leges. There are, also, we believe, vacant cadetships due 
to this State, both at West Point and at the naval 
schools and 'civil service.' Secretaries will without 
doubt be appointed during the present session. Three 
such prizes held out to our High School pupils would be 
glorious incentives to activity. Therefore, if other 



CANDIDATES FOR CONGKKSS. 133 

things are equal, it becomes the duty of all "who loA-e 
the youth of our schools and hope to see them enjoy the 
advantages procured for those of other cities, to vote for 
Dr. Dostie, the tried friend of schools and children. To 
him, more than to any other man, is due the loyal stand- 
ing of our public schools. He is evei'yAvhere beloved 
by the young people of New Orleans. 

" Teacher." 

The Delta of September 8th, in referring to the result 
of the Congressional contest, says : 

"Dr. Dostie is justly regarded as one of the leading 
spirits in the cause of the people. A more devoted or 
disinterested champion of liberty has not appeared upon 
the political stage during the present century. 

"The majority of the delegates to the Parish Conven- 
tion, being satisfied with Colonel Field, presented his 
name as a candidate for that office. All the primary 
elections, so far as we can learn, were fairly conducted. 
The delegates were presumed to know the wishes of their 
constituents, and the Free State party was, in a measure, 
in honor bound to ratify their action. The moment the 
nomination was made known, every friend and supporter 
of the party and its principles became tacitly pledged to 
suppoi't the nominee. 

" In such a light must be viewed the result of the re- 
cent election. To this must be ascribed the defeat (by a 
small majority) of Dr. Dostie, who is one of the most 
popular men in the Congressional District — one against 
whom not a breath of suspicion could be cast — a true 
patriot, an indefatigable worker in the Union cause, a 
tried friend and an honest man. Had Dr. Dostie con- 
sented to run in time to have had his name presented to 
the Convention, the result might have been different. 
With the party nomination, he Avould have kept pace 
with the vote in favor of the Constitution. As it was 
he received comparatively a large vote." 

, The election of September 8th, resulted in sending 



134 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

Mr, F. Bonzano, and A. P. Field to Washington. The 
action of Congress in not admitting them to participate 
in the councils of the nation arc recorded in tlie official 
documents of the National Legislature. 

Dr. Dostie's only disappointment at his defeat in 
the Congressional contest, arose from an ardent desire 
to labor in Congress for the interests of Louisiana. lie 
had watched with the discernment of a true reformer the 
developments in his adopted State ; had gloried in the 
downfall of despotism and the elevation of the oppressed 
laboring classes, and studied diligently the advantages 
to which her wealth, strength and resources entitled her 
as a free State in the Union. He desired to be in a posi- 
tion where, he could labor for the interests of the eman- 
cipated masses, made free by the acts of President Lin- 
coln, 

His public documents, private letters and sayings, all 
prove that his standard was elevated to the dignity of 
2)ure and true statesmanship. Judging from his re- 
cord, his comprehensive and just views of the measures 
necessary to carry out republican laws, we can not doubt 
but that he might have maintained a high position 
among the radical members of the 39th Congress. 

November 29th, 1864, the Union men of New Orleans, 
assembled on Lafoyette Square to ratify the election of 
Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson. Addresses 
were delivered by Governor Hahn, General Hamilton, 
Judge Heistend, and Dr. Dostie. The annexed resolu- 
tions were adopted : 

" Hesolved, 1st. That in tire recent re-election of Abra- 
ham Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States, we 
behold one of the sublimest spectacles ever presented to 



CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS. 135 

the gladdened eyes of the lovers of liberty and Repub- 
lican institutions. The doubtful are convinced, the hope- 
ful assured, and the confident are elated ; that, notwith- 
standing the outside pressure of a gigantic civil war, and 
a factious and fierce opposition from within, the great 
experiment of a constitutional Government, based on 
universal sufl'rage, has not failed. Clear above the din 
of battle and the clamor of faction was heard the low, 
but articulate voice of the people. Was it not the voice 
of God ? 

" 2d. That we also rejoice in the election of Andrew 
Johnson to the next highest oftice in the Republic. It 
is fitting that he, a Southern man, alone ' faithful found 
among the faithless,' should preside over that august 
body, before which he raised — but raised in vain — his 
voice in thunder tones of remonstrance against the 
suicidal act of secession. 

" Zd. That peace, and not war, is the primal and 
healthfid condition of nations. That we ardently desire 
peace on the basis of the integrity of the Union, and if 
the knot of our complications can be untied by the pen 
of diplomacy, while the sword is upraised to cut it. If 
possible let diplomacy arrest the impending bloAV." 



186 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



DOSTIE AND BARKER. 



To his friends, in Avhom he reposed confidence, Dostie 
was all gentleness and good humor. His Avinning sim- 
plicity and kindness of manner, made him very popular 
with his numerous friends, but with Jacksonian temper 
he sometimes poured out his fury upon the heads of his 
enemies he believed capable of injustice, fraud and op- 
pression. There has been, since the existence of slavery, 
a class of men in the South who have spent their lives 
jealously watching all who did not spring from Southern 
chivalry or Southern slave aristocracy. Their greatest 
pleasure has been to watch an opportunity to scandalize 
those they chose to brand as " political agitators, inova- 
tors, new comers, &c,, always adding those who spring 
from the lower classes." Pre-eminently among this class in 
New Orleans stands the name of Jacob Barker, Esq., 
whose idol was money ; a man in society Avithout money, 
in his eye, had no rights in common Avith the Avealthy 
aristocrat. Dostie Avho Avas born in poverty, and had 
been deprived of his honest earnings by rebels and aris- 
tocrats, had but little sympathy Avith the Barker class. 

The following correspondence simply illustrates one ol' 
the many contests between the monied Goliah's of New 



DOSTIE AKD BARKER. 



137 



Orleans and " the son of a barber," who often smote the 
moniecl Philistines " with a sling, and Avith a stone." 

" New Orleans, July 7, 1864. 
"Major Gen. Banks : 

" Sir — In compliance with your request for informa- 
tion relative to the receipt and disposition of gold in 
this city, I take pleasure in communicating all that I 
have been able to learn. 

"The receipts of gold from New York from the 1st 
May to the 17th June were, according to published 
statements, as follows : 



May 3 $23,000 

May 15 67,065 

May 15 92,300 

May 18 98,075 

May 21 47,075 

May 23 210,200 



1537,715 



May 30 1169,964 

June 6 256,240 

June 8 124,432 

June 13 105,339 

June 14 47,250 

From Interior 9,000 



$701,955 
537,715 



Total $1,239,670 

" That this large amount of gold was not sent here 
for any honest purpose, or to satisfy the demands of 
commei'ce, seems very apparent. 

" The large shipments received just previous to the 
publication of the bogus proclamation indicates quite 
strongly that the holders had a knowledge of its in- 
tended issue, and that it was a part of the conspiracy to 
sell that gold at an enormous rate in this market. 

" The fact that the proclamation was telegraphed from 
New York to Cairo,- and other points, after its falsity 
was known, favors this supposition. 



138 LIFE or A. p. DOSTIE. 

" Of tliat received during June, tlie consignees na- 
turally divide themselves into the following classes : 

" First — persons claiming and receiving protection as 
subjects of a foreign Power. 

" Many of these persons before the outbreak of the 
war, were considered citizens, and are believed to liavo 
voted, and accepted other privileges of citizenship. 

" They are not known to have any attachment to 
the Union, nor is it l:)elieved they would forego an op- 
portunity of profit because it might work injury to the 
Republic. 

" The second class of consignees is composed of 
banks : 

June G — Citizens' Bank $50,000 

" 22— " " 50,000 

" 8— " " 124,432 

" 4 — National Bank 10,000 

" 22— " " 15,000 

" 13 — Baidc of America 13,000 

" 21— " " 17,000 

" 21 — Bank of Commerce 10,000 

" At the beginning of the war the oiticers of these 
State banks were among the first to bestow substantial 
aid upon the rebel cause. 

"Although corporations, having no souls, may not be 
guilty of treason, yet it is most certain that the indi- 
viduals OAvning stock were, in secession, regarded as 
genuine rebels, and it is believed that they have ex- 
hibited no evidence of substantial repentance. 

" Third — Persons having no feeling either for or 
against the Government, save as it may help their specu- 
lations. 

" "These are among the worst j)arasites preying upon 



DOSTIE AXD BARKER. 139 

the country. The friends of neither combatants, they 
are ready to prey upon both parties. 

" The fourth class is that of avowed rebel sympa- 
thizers, some of whom have taken the oath. 

" These men are among us, but have neither part nor 
lot with us. They have not even the decency to hide or 
disguise their treason. 

" I am persuaded that the great bulk of gold in this 
market, is in the hands of imscrupulous persons, caring 
for nothing but the money they make. 

" I have not thought it within the compass of your 
inquiry to make any allusion to the measures necessary 
to be taken in this behalf. 

" It is suggested that Order No. — having discouraged 
the speculation in gold within this Department, there is 
evidence of a combination to make breadstuffs the staple 
of this unholy object. It is believed that a systematic 
arrangement is now being made to enhance the price of 
articles of subsistence. 

" I remain, very respectfully yours, 

A. P. DOSTIE." 

" To the Editor of the JSTeio Orleans Times, July 28th 
■ — The editor of the True Delta having declined to make 
the correction, the editor of the Times will be pleased 
to inform the public that the statement of A. P. Dostie, 
published in the T'ue Delta of yesterday's date, is falsk, 
so far as it represents the Bank of Commerce or its 
officers, as among the first to bestow substantial aid 
upon the rebel cause. 

" Neither the said Bank nor its officers subscribed a 
dollar at that time, nor at any other time, to the Con- 
federate loans in this city or elsewhere ; nor has that 



140 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE. 

Bank or the proprietor thereof ever contributed funds in 
the formation of military companies or otherwise in aid 
of the rebellion, which the proprietor does now and has 
always condemned as uncalled for and ruinous to the 
whole nation, and particularly ruinous as it has subjected 
this community to the insult of being thus criticised by 
such a man. 

" If A. P. Dostie has the merit of loyalty beyond what 
he considers likely to administer to his acknowledged 
appetite for gain, it must have arisen from recent and 
sudden conviction. 

" jNIr. Barker's loyalty was tested before the birth of A. 
P. Dostie. 

Jacob Barker." 

" New Orleans, July 30, 1864. 
" To the Editor of the Tme Delta : 

Sir — The Ncav Orleans Times of this morning con- 
tains a letter over the signature of Jacob Barker, vio- 
lently abusive of myself, because in my letter to Major- 
General Banks, of July 7th, published in your j^aper of 
Thursday, I made the following observations : ' At the 
beginning of the war the officers of these State banks 
w^ere among the first to bestow substantial aid upon the 
rebel cause. Although corporations, having no souls, 
may not be guilty of treason, yet it is most certain that 
the individuals owning stock wei-e in secession regarded 
as genuine 1-ebels, and it is believed that they have 
exhibited no evidence of substantial repentance.' 

" That publication is my supposed cause of offence to 
Jacob Barker. In that communication, as Avill be seen, 
I did not name Jacob Barker, either directly or by neces- 
sary implication; but since he has seen fit to suppose 



DOSTIE AND BARKER. . 141 

himself one of the class of individuals referred to as 
havinfj ' no souls ' of havinc: been resrarded while seccs- 
sion was rampant in arms in this city as a jjassablc rebel, 
and as having since exhibited no evidence of substantial 
repentance, I am willing to avow and admit that he is, 
of all men in this city, one whom I should have placed 
in just that category. In that communication, for which 
I am thus personally and scurrillously assailed by Jacob 
Barker, I made no attacks on the private character of 
any stockholder or officer of any of the banks therein 
named ; but I made allusion to them as a class of pei'sons 
derelict in the performance of the duties they owed as 
citizens of the United States. 

" I by no means regret that Jacob Barker has seen fit 
to make that publication the occasion of calling public 
attention to the manner in which he has performed his 
duty to the Government of the United States, under 
whose protection he has become bloated with the inso- 
lence of wealth, while that Government has been en- 
gaged in a life and death struggle with this hell-born 
rebellion. All good citizens in these 'times that try 
men's souls,' owe it to their country, in this her great 
struggle for national existence, to give active aid, by 
bearing arms, if fit for service, or by loan of their money 
if they have amassed wealth under the protection and 
advantages which that just and good Government has 
afforded them. ' Indiiference or neutrality is a crime, 
and faction is treason.' 

" Jacob Barker, by reason of nis immense wealth, and 
the po^ver of his position, owes it to his country, in these 
times of her national peril, to give more positive and 
substantial proofs of loyalty thaii merely to ' condemn 



142 LIFE OF A. V. l>OSTIE. 

the rebellion as uncalled foi" and ruinous.' Although too 
old, being a tionagenarian^ to bear arms in j^erson in her 
behalf,. yet he owed it to his covmtry to labor actively 
and boldly with his pen and voice to propagate and 
uphold sentiments of unconditional and zealous loyalty. 
He owed it to his country to sustain her credit by invest- 
ing a reasonable share of his immense wealth in her bonds, 
for without the 'sinews of war' hoAV can the loyal 
soldiers be armed, fed and clothed, and this diabolical 
rebellion be trodden under foot? And Avithout the will- 
ing aid of loyal capitalists how can the Government 
effect its necessary loans to carry on wars ? 

"He asserts that his loyalty was tested 'before the 
birth of A. P. Dostie.' That maybe so, and that loyalty 
might even then have been found, as in later times, to 
have consisted in selfish devotion to Mammon, Admit- 
ting that Jacob Barker's loyalty was ' tested ' before my 
birth, and not found wanting at that remote period, I 
desire to know what ' test it lias stood during the last 
eventful four years ? 

" It may not be known to many in this community — 
but it is a fact that should be made public — that Jacob 
Barker, the banker and millionaire, gave, among others, 
such striking proofs of active, unconditional loyalty to 
his country as these : When General Butler ordered the 
citizens of this city to renew their allegiance to the 
Government of the United States within a certain time 
specified, this same Jacob Barker made his appearance 
before the Provost-Marshal at the City Hall, just ten 
minutes before the expiration of the time limited, and 
reluctantly took the oath, and at that same time received 
for two members of his family ' registered enemies' papers.* 



DOSTIK AND BARKEE. 143 

"To encourage or permit those of his own family to 
register themselves as enemies to their country, and to 
harbor them in his house, may perhaps be proof to some 
persons that his 'condemnation of rebellion' had always 
been terribly severe. When the Commanding General 
required a certain class of citizens to bind themselves 
"with the ' iron-clad ' oath he comiDlied, but when and 
how? At the last moment, and very reluctantly. There 
was published in this city, for a short time, last year, a 
'loyal traitor' sheet called the National Advocate^ with 
Jacob Barker's name as ostensible and responsible 
editor and proprietor. That infamous sheet, during the 
period of its short and villainous existence, was com- 
monly filled with all kinds of rebel dispatches via the 
' grape-vine ' line, terrific bulletins of Federal defeats, 
croakings and lamentations over the evils and burden 
of this ' cruel and unnecessary war,' all sorts of exti-acts 
from rebel-symjjathizing papers, and with every kind of 
matter calculated to give aid and comfort to other loyal 
traitors in this city, until the nuisance became so intole- 
rable that the publieation of the National Advocate^ 
edited and owned by Jacob Barker, was supj^ressed by 
Major-General Banks, out of complaisance, I svippose, to 
' such a man's' mode of ' condemning the rebellion.' 

" What public offences, or what kind of moral delin- 
quency J. B. means to impute by styling me ' such a 
man,' I am utterly at a loss to know. lie hints that I 
have an 'acknowledged appetite for gain.' Acknow- 
ledged by whom, pray ? Even my worst enemies, 
among whom I am proud to include every man who 
does not love my country, Avill not accuse me of a sordid, 
money-loving spirit. What little money my labor has 



144 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

earned beyond supplying tlie AVants of a frugal living, 
I have cheerfully given during this war to advance the 
glorious cause of our country. I wish Jacob Barker 
had done likewise in proportion to his resources. Then 
he would have lived for some nseful purpose. I am will- 
ing to leave it to the public to judge Avhethcr my cha- 
racter for honesty Avill bear comparison with that of 
' such a man ' who issued and caused to be circulated 
in this city, thousands of dollars of notes purpoi'ting to 
be bills of the ' Bank of Commerce,' payable ' six months 
after the ratification of peace between the United States 
and the Confederate States of America.' I think that 
I perform my duties to my fellow-citizens and my coun- 
try, q lite as conscientiously as ' such a man,' who has 
devoted his whole power of thought to the sordid pur- 
suit of acquiring and hoarding wealth, and Avho has not 
shown patriotism enough to give a single dollar to pro- 
mote the cause of the Union, and of the benignant 
Government under Avhose favor and protection he has 
grown rich. 

"I notice that J. B. gives as his ' particular' reason 
for ' condemning the rebellion' as ' p:u\!calarly ruinous,' 
is that it has subjected ' this community ' to the insult 
of being thus criticised by ' such a man.' What a lofty 
minded patriot ! What a worthy millionaire ! What a 
far discerning intellect, and what pure and noble im- 
pulses move the soul of this great and venerable banker 
and speculator, as shown in his statement of his ' par- 
ticular reason' for ' condemning the rebellion !' 

" No natural love of country, no profound perception 
of the intrinsic meanness and wickedness of ti'cason and 
rebellion against our noble government, could furnish 



DOSTIE AND BAKKER. 145 

the mind of J. B. such a 'particular' good reason for 
' condemning the rebellion,' as the insult to this com- 
munity of being criticised by ' such a man.' Wonderful 
logic ! Admirable consistency ! Who compose the com- 
munity which he asserts I have insulted ? My commu- 
nication to General Banks, which has j^rovoked this 
irascible, supcranuated old Copperhead to publish that 
scurrilous attack upon my character and motives, had 
reference to no other ' community ' or classes of men 
than, 1st. persons claiming protection as subjects of 
foreign powers, some of whom were formerly considered 
citizens, and who are not suspected of any attachment 
to the Union ; 2nd. the Banks among whom I placed 
J, B.'s Bank ; 3d., those proverbial for having no pa- 
triotism ; parasites, only coming to make money out of 
either party, and 4th., avowed rebel sympathizers. 

"These classes compose the entire ' community ' re- 
feiTed to in my letter on the gold question, and they 
alone are the ' community' to whom my publication 
was an insult, if insult it Avas to any. If that ' commu- 
nity ' to which it would seem J. B. claims to belong, 
feel insulted by my criticisms upon their want of pa- 
triotism, they, and J. B. in particular, can seek any 
redress which they deem their ' wounded honor ' de- 
mands. 

" In the statement made by Mr. Barker of his jjaltry 
motives for condemning the rebellion, he discovers to 
public view a poverty of soul in striking contrast with 
the i^lethora of his money bags. Between the money 
and the man, the former has outweighed the latter and 
given him the position he now holds in society, ' J/ewe, 
mene, tekel, upharsim'' His record as a citizen of a great 



146 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIK. 

republic is unwortliy of liis sires, and of the sulilime 
lessons of Union niid liberty transmitted l)y them to 
him. But let liini come and labor side by side with the 
friends of the Union, and tliat immortal ordinance Avhich 
forever abolishes slavery from Louisiana, and then I Avill 
call him honest, an<l believe him resjiectablc. ' Princi- 
ples demand su2)port.' 

A. P. DOSTIE." 



" To the Editor of the Mio Orleans Times.— Th.G 
True Delta having found room in that interesting sheet 
for a score more of falsehoods from the pen of one A. P. 
Dostie, the public Avill be pleased to excuse Mr. Barker 
for noticing a few of them. 

" This man says, ' I did not name Jacob Barker.' That 
I am the sole proprietor and manager of the Bank of 
Commerce is as Avell known in this city as is my name ; 
therefore to say, ' I did not name Jacob Barker' is a 
contemptible subterfuge, worthy of its author. 

"It is false 'that Mr. Barker reluctantly took the oath 
before the Provost Marshal at the City Hall, just ten 
minutes before the expiration of the time limited.' 

"Mr. Barker took the oath in court at the Custom 
Hoiise long before — not at the City Hall, and not just 
ten minutes before the expiration of the time limited; 
nor did he receive for two members of his frmily, nor 
for any other number, ' registered enemies' papers.' The 
allegation is therefore false, and Dostie is indebted for it 
to the Delta — a vile sheet which Mr. Barker's pen 
silenced long since. 

" A. P. Dostie's prolific mind rendered it unnecessary 
for him to borrow falsehood from others. 



DOSTIE AND BAKKEK. 147 

"As to the iron-clad oath, he considered it harmless, as 
it could not increase the duty of a loyal citizen, yet he 
took it reluctantly, not liking to swear to support a pro- 
clamation he had not seen. The first law lesson he 
received was from General Alexander Hamilton, Avhich 
was, never to form an opinion on a paper he had not 
read, 

"The occasion on which Mr. Barker took that oath was 
preceding the first election, which required one-tenth of 
the population to vote to make the election valid, which 
General Banks considered imjjortant should be cast, and 
therefore requested Mr. Barkei-'s co-operation, which was 
yielded with great earnestness, and which could not be 
done without taking tliat oath. 

" This man, A. P. Dostie, not satisfied with denounc- 
ing Mr. Barker and his bank, assails the faij fame of the 
JVatio?ial Advocate. The dimensions of that paper 
having been taken by the community, and particularly 
by Mr. Barker's lady friends, he has not anything to say 
on that subject further than that he feels more vain of 
the fame it left behind than of the history of any other 
part of his life. 

" The public will be pleased not to expect me to waste 
any more ink jjowder on this man, who should remember 
that ' our trees groAV tar and our birds carry feathers.' 

Jacob Barker. 

"New Orleans, July 31, 1864." 

"New Orleans, August 1, 1864. 
" To the Editor of the True Delta: 

" Sir — ' Mr. Barker,' having exhausted another charge 
of ' ink powder ' in throwing empty bomb-shells at me 



148 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

through the Times of yesterday morning, permit me 
to trespass once more ujion your columns. 

" Jiicoh Barker asserts that my statements concerning 
him are false. Then, why does he not prove them so ? 
He simply asserts them so without bringing forward any 
facts to substantiate his assertions. 

" I am prepared to prove that on the 23d day of Sep- 
tember, 18(32, a few minutes before 3 p. M., at the City 
Hall, ' this man ' appeared before the Provost-Marshal 
and foo/v.t/ie oath, and at the same time received from 
that officer ' registered enemies' papers ' for two mem- 
bers of his own family, remarking by way of apology, 
as he did so, ' that he could not control the members ol 
his family in that resj^ect.' 

"Does the astute J. B. imagine that he has outlived 
the history o^ his earlier business career ? Can he pos- 
sibly drive himself into the belief that people have lost 
all recollection of the celebrated ' Washington and War- 
ren Bank ? ' or what was worse, the ' Marble Manufac- 
turing Bank ? ' Does not the ghost of his pitiable tool 
Malapart haunt his terror-stricken conscience, and warn 
him against the further misdeeds of the banker, broker 
and breaker? Or has he forgotten the time when he 
' left his country (New York) for his country's good ? ' 

" If he had not intimated that he would not waste any 
more ' ink powder ' on ' such a man,' I should be tempted 
to inquire hoAv he invested the large amount of ' Confede- 
rate money ' he bought up in 1862? I think that tran- 
saction was one of the modes of his ' condemning the 
rebellion.' 

" ' This man ' takes occasion to inform the public that 
* our trees grow tar and our birds carry feathers,' inti- 



DOSTIK AND BARKEH. 149 

mating tliat if I persist in giving utterance to tlie truth 
against him, he will have me receive a coat of tar and 
feathers. If lie expects to intimidate me by such puerile 
threats as that, he entirely wastes his ' ink powder.' 

"If the chief object through 'Mr. Barker's' life of 
which he feels ' vain ' is the ^ fair fame'' of his defunct 
traitor sheet the JVcdiojial Advocate, he has very little 
now in his old age to look back upon with vanity or 
pride. 

" The lady admirers of that paper, of whom he speaks, 
are well known in this community, and a season spent on 
Ship Island would be very beneficial to their moral 
health. 

A, P. DOSTIE." 

" To the Editor of the Times : 

" Mr. Barker feels constrained to depart from his de- 
termination not further to expose the deliberate lies of 
one A. P. Dostie. 

" In the True Delta of Tuesday he demands proof 
Here it is : 

' Department of the Gulf, Provost Court, 
New Orleans, La., July, 19, 1862. 
' Jacob Barker has taken the oath required by General 
Order No. 41 for a citizen of U. S. A. 

' Witness : Major Joseph M. Bell, 

Provost Judge. 
' C. W. Woodbury, Dep. Clerk.' 

" The man Dostie avers that he has proofs that his 
vile falsehoods are true. If true they are matters of 
record, open to his inspection. Why not then give 
them to the public, in place of calling upon Mr. Barker 
to prove a negative. 



150 LIFE OF A. P, DOSTIE. 

" This traducer alludes to Mr. Barker's connection 
with the Bank of Washington and Warren, in the State 
of New York. That l)ank failed, after which Mr. Barker 
paid all its debts — a portion after his residence here, 
from liis new earnings. 

"Among the numerous falsehoods of the man Dostie, 
he asserts that Mr. Barker was connected Avith the 
Marble Manufacturing Bank, in Xew York, and its in- 
famous proprietor, ' Malapar.' Mr. Barker never had 
any connection with either, or an account with that 
institution. 

"There was a vile conspiracy in 1826 among certain 
W^all street gamblers and political aspirants to injure 
the fair fame of Mr. Barker, who hurled defiance at them 
in open court, and fought the battle successfully before 
he had read law. 

" His Satanic Majesty has got them nearly all — only 
two or three have thus far escaped his vigilance. He 
will soon have the rest, with some additions from New 
Orleans, without the dishonor of meeting in single com- 
bat a man without position in society, 

Jacob Barker." 

" New Orleans, August 3, 1864. 
" To the Editor of the "True Delta : 

" ' One ' Jacob Barker having commenced and con- 
tinued a most unwarrantable and scurrillous attack upon 
me through the columns of the New Orleans Times, I 
have been compelled, in self-defence, to reply to him 
through tha columns of your valuable paper ; and as he 
has again resorted to reply in similar language, though 
informnig the public that he should not, I also am under 
the necessity of again requesting you to insert the fol- 



DOSTIE AND BARKEE. 151 

lowing, M'hich I ti-ust will, for the future, silence the 
barker and render his bite harmless : 

" He will soon have the rest, with some addition from 
Xew Orleans, without the dishonor of meeting in sin- 
gle combat a man witliout position in society. — Jacob 
Barker. 

" And pray, Jacob Barker, what position have you 
always held in society ? 

" Hast thou not all thy life been an associate of stock 
gamblers, cheats and swindlers, and the chief of ' wild 
cat ' banking houses ? Hast thou not followed to the 
letter the advice of the Quaker mother to her son, 'make 
money, honestly if thee can, but my son make money !' 

" Thou knowest, Jacob, that thou hast made money ; 
but, Jacob, hast thou made it honestly ? Let us see ! 

" Does Jacob Barker remember a cei'tain book pub- 
lished in 1846, by Crook & Co., of Boston, entitled 
' The Life and Times of Martin Van Buren ?' If he does, 
he will recollect the following extracts : 

"Page 38. — "Wai'ren Bank, a moneyed corporation, of 
two years standing, which the notorious stock jobber, 
Jacob Barker, has bought from the speculators who got 
it up. Barker could issue its bills at his Exchange 
Bank, New York, to mechanics and traders, who could 
find it no easy task to go North to Sandy Hill to get 
them cashed. With brokers and bankers he expected to 
hold his own. 

" Jacob Barker being the sole, or almost sole, propricr 
tor of the real ' wild cat bank.' 

"Page 42. — In a card issued through the Evening 
Post, February, 1825, Barker said that $200,000 of the 
stock had been received from the debtors of tlie bank. 
Why was this done, when it was well known that the 
stock was Avorthless ? Who beside Barker had §200,000 



152 LIFE or A. p. DOSTIE. 

to pay in ? T\"as it in tliis way that tlio securities for 
double its circulation "went ? If so, wliat coiild be a 
baser cheat ? Stock was no payment of debts due the 
bank till its obliuations to the ])ublic were met, and 
after that only its cash value in the market. 

Pa^e 100. — Copy of a letter from Benj. F. Butler to 
Lorenzx) Iloyt, Esq., Albany : 

" New York, Oct, 1, 1826. 
Dear iS/'r : — ]\Ir. Henry has gone home with an inten- 
tion of preparing himself in the case of the Bank of 
Plattsburgh against Levi Piatt, "Wells and others, (the 
account case). I wish you Avould therefore * * * * 
I have but a moment and few details of the trial (Jacob 
Barker and others for a conspiracy to defraud). 3Iust 
refer you to the papers. They bring down the details 
to yesterday at 1 o'clock. In the afternoon and evening 
we had a fine time of it, and when the court adjourned 
last night the case was left remarkably well for us. 
* * * Mr, Barker has done wonders. Truly yours, 

"B, F. BUTLEK. 

"In another letter from Benj. F. Butler to Jesse 
Iloyt, dated Sandy Hill, Xovember 16, 1819, and pub- 
lished on pages 161 and 162, are the following extracts : 

" You are right in supposing that the late catastrophe 
(for I consider it the end of that drama) in the Ex- 
change Bank, is a very common misfortune ; to me 
especially it is a great one. I had cheerfully suffered 
the depreciation of our 'paper, that Mr. B. (Barker) 
might in the meantime bend all his efforts to the Ex- 
change Bank, and in the resumption of payment then, 
hoped for the most auspicious result. The mattei' 
is past mending, and no doubt it is all for the best. "Wo 
continue, paying daily in a small way, more to relieve 
the suffering connnunity than for any other purpose. 
The credit of the paper is very bad in this coitntry. 

" Some of them, 1 hear, have the kindness and con- 



DOSTIE AND BAKKEK. 153 

descension to compassionate and ])ity nie, Avliile others 
consider me full as bad as Jacob Barker^ which in these 
days is considered a pretty severe specimen of invective 
and reproach. ' So be it !' 

" What does Jacob Barker think of these proofs ? 
More extracts of a similar nature from this and other 
books o^ axddlang syne can be produced at any moment, 
but, for the present, I forbear. 

" And now let me review ' this man's' oath, which he 
refers to and publishes in the Times of yesterday : 

" Department of the Gulf, Provost Court. ) 
New Orleans, La., July 19, 1862. \ 
" Jacob Barker has taken the oath required by Gen- 
eral Order No. 41 for a citizen of U, S. A. 

" Witness : Major Joseph M. Bell, 

Provost Judge. 
" C. W. Woodbury, Deputy Clerk. 

" He says : ' He demands proof Here it is.' Yes, 
' here it is,' Jacob, and just the proof I wished for. Gen- 
eral Order No. 41 says: 

" All acts, doings, deeds, instruments, records or cer- 
tificates, certified or attested by, and transactions done, 
performed or made by any of the persons above de- 
scribed, from and after \\\(i fifteenth of Jtme instant, who 
shall not have taken and subscribed such oath, are void 
and of no eflTect. 

"This oath, Jacob Barker, you took on the 19th day 
of July, one month and four days beyond the time 
specified, thus making it ' void and of no effect.' 

" General Order No. 76 then came to the relief of 
Jacob Barker and ' such men.' Ten minutes before the 
time expired rendering this oath null and void, you ap- 
peared before the Provost Marshal at the City Hall, 



154 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

raised your right liand and swore allegiance to the 
United States — to save your property from confiscation, 
I suppose. This was the oath I referred to, Jacob : 

" There was a vile conspiracy in 1826 among certain 
Wall street gamblers and ])olitical aspirants to injure 
the fair fame of Mr. Barker, who hurled defiance at them 
in open court, and fought the battle successfully before 
lie had read law. 

" His Satanic Majesty has got them nearly all — only 
two or three liave thus far escaped his vigilance. He 
will soon have the rest, with some additions from New 
Orleans, without the dishonor of meeting in single com- 
bat a man without position in society. — Jacob Barker. 

" Who can Jacob Barker be referring to, except his 
venerable self? 

" Oh, Jacob, Jacob, thy hairs are gray with the whiten- 
ing frosts of nearly a hundred winters, yet thou re- 
tainest thy wickedness in spite of thy advanced age, 
and appear to think that his Satanic Majesty ceases to 
exist except in the person of thy august self Oh, fie, 
Jacob Barker. 

" A. P. DOSTIE." 

Said a friend to Dr. Dostie, in referring to the above 
correspondence. " You have not reverenced old age in 
your attacks upon Mr. Barker." In reply, he said. 
"Mr. Barker is not too aged to strengthen treason and 
despotism. I shall never retain a vindictive feeliuG 
against any man — but a principle that aims to ci'usli 
republican Liberty, I shall oppose." 



GOVEENOR HAHN. 155 



CHAPTER XVII. 

GOVERXOK IIAHIf, 

On the 20th of January, 1865, Governor Hahn issued 
the following proclamation : 

" Whereas^ Our sister States of Missouri and Tennes- 
see, assembled in Conventions representing the loyal 
people of their respective Commonwealths, have each 
passed Edicts of Emancipation, declaring the Irecdom 
of all slaves Avithin their borders, and forever prohibit- 
ing slavery or involuntary servitude, except for crime, 
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted ; and 

" W/iereas, Said Edicts of Emancipation by our lato 
slave-holding sisters, are acts of great historic signifi- 
cance, worthy all praise and eon^memoration, as indicat- 
ing tlie progress of ideas, the courage, fidelity and 
humanity of the people, and the early establishment of 
the National Government upon the permanent basis of 
freedom and justice : 

"Therefore, I, Michael Hahx, Governor of the 
State of Louisiana, in the name of our free State and 
loyal people, do hereby extend to Missouri and Ten- 
nessee, and to the noble representatives in their respec- 
tive Conventions, thanks and congratulations, 

" And further, I do recommend that Tuesday next, 
the 24t]i day of January, shall be observed and respected 
by our people as a holiday for recreation and festivity in 
honor of the memorable Emancipation Acts of the now 
Free States of ]VIissouri and Tennessee ; Avhich acts, Avith 
those of Louisiana and Maryland, are forerunners of the 



156 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

time Avhen ' Libei'ty shall be proclaimed throughout the 
land to all the inhabitants thereof.' 

" Given under my hand and seal of the State, this 
20th day of January, A. D. 18G5, and the Independence 
of the United States the eighty-ninth. 

" By the Governor : 

" Michael Hahn. 
" S. Wrotnowski, Secretary of State." 

The 24th day of January, 1865, was observed in New 
Orleans, as a day of festivity in honor of the noble 
action of the citizens of the States of Missouri and Ten- 
nessee, who were determined to erect the standard of 
Liberty and Progress. All the State Courts were ad- 
journed ; Judge Durell dismissed the United States Court 
in the following manner : 

"Mr. Clerk: — Whereas, his Excellency Michael 
Hahn, Governor of the State of Louisiana, has set this 
day apart as a holliday in honor of the rapid progress 
now making in the cause of civil liberty on this conti- 
nent, you will therefore enter upon the records of the 
United States Courts this most worthy cause for the 
adjournment of the same. ]Mr. Marshal, adjourn the 
Circuit Court; Mr. Marshal, adjourn the District Court. 

Early in the morning the leading thoroughfares, were 
thronged with people, black and white, thousands of them 
arrayed in " red, white and blue." The public buildings 
were decorated with Stars and Stripes. The City Hall, 
the Headquarters of the Governor and Mayor were cov- 
ered with the National emblems. The office of the 
State Auditor, A. P. Dostie, located at No. 17, St. 
Charles street, was decorated with National banners. 
In tlie evening a transparency was added to the other 
decorations, upon one side of which was a portrait of 



GOVERNOR HAHIsr. 15 7 

Major General N, P. Banks, and upon the other, the 
motto . 

" New Glories are before us." 

Over the Public Schools both (white and black) the 
Stars and Stripes M'ere hoisted. At noon a national 
salute was fired, and all the bells in the city rang a 
joyful peal. Thousands of the emancipated assembled 
upon Lafayetto Square, where a battallion of the 11th 
Heavy Artillery, U. S. colored troops, and a Company 
of the 77th U. S. infantry, (colored) had assembled to 
listen to speeches and music. The National airs were 
popular on that day. The evening was spent by thou- 
sands in listening to speeches from Governor Hahn, 
Rev. Thomas Conway, Dr. Dostie, Judge Durell — and 
others. 

January 9th, Governor Hahn was elected to the United 
States Senate. We annex his farewell Message : 

"State of Louisiana, Executive Department, ) 
New Orleans, February 27, 1865. \ 
"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the 

State of Louisiana : 

" Gentlemen, — I hereby resign the office of Governor, 
to take effect on the 3d of March proximo, so that my 
occupancy of the office may terminate Avith that date, 
and enable my successer to be inaugurated, if con- 
venient to your honorable bodies, on the 4th of March. 

" The one year of administration Avhich I have had as 
your Governor, is a period to which I shall ever advert 
with pride and pleasure. Called to the office by a flat- 
tering vote of the people, I entered upon its duties with 
diffidence, and a full sense of its responsibilities. I 
leave it without self-reproach, and Avith pride at having 
performed a part however humble in the triumphs and 
glories which have marked the history of Louisiana the 
past year. At its commencement half the State — the 



158 LIFE OF A, r. DOSTIE. 

portion excepted hy proclamation — held slaves. By a 
vote approaching unanimity, every slave has been since 
set free ; and slavery Avill never more have an existence 
in fact or a sanction in la\v in the State of Louisiana. 
Justice to a hitherto enslaved race lias not ended here. 
The most extensive, as Avell as impartial and equal pro- 
visions have been made for their education ; Avhile our 
Constitution, keeping ])ace "with the spirit of the age, 
has provided for their complete equality before the law, 
including the extension to them of the highest privi- 
lege of citizenship. I have no hesitation in saying that 
its terms will justify the adoption of nnivcrsal suffrage 
whenever it shall be deemed wise and timely; and if 
the most devoted enthusiast shall complain that the 
doors have not been thrown open at once to all, he 
must admit, as we can claim, that our State has pro- 
gressed further than three-fourths of the Northern States. 
We trust to vie in e^•ery noble and patriotic work with 
the best and foremost of our sister States. Our State 
has furnished, and is furnishing, in proportion to the 
able-bodied men in the State, a quota to the Union 
armies equal to that of any other State. Even in the 
parishes within the rel>el military lines we are assured of 
the existence of a union feeling. 

" I speak of these things as encouraging signs of the 
times. In Louisiana, which now, as at the outset of the 
rebellion, can claim to be fully as loyal as Missouri, Ma- 
ryland or Kentucky, her inhabitants have passed the 
Rubicon of their trials. The power of secessionism is 
waning; its influence is now scarcely felt among our 
people. 

" Our progress in civil reorganization has been equally 
auspicious. A constitution has been accepted by the 
people, which has swept away not only the last vestige 
of human bondage, l)ut all the concomitant blemishes 
upon civilization which stood upon our statute books and 
were a part of our institutions. The Black Code, so 
long the reproach and regret of the humane and en- 
lightened of the world, exists no more. The odious 



GOVKltXOK HAHN. 159 

basis of representation, which gave to wealth and capital 
:x leverage against the mechanical and industrial classes, 
and favored, as it was designed to, the establishment of 
an oligarchy among American freemen, is removed at 
once, without the necessity of a long and wearisome ag- 
itation, as would otherwise have been necessary for the 
attainment of the simple justice of equal representation. 
One voter is now equal to another, and entitled to the 
same privileges and proportional representation. Older 
governments and communities have had to battle for 
years without success for this plain, practical and essen- 
tial republican measure. Our Constitution favors indus- 
try, secures the reward of labor, guarantees impartial 
education, invites immigration, and will be the basis of 
a prosperity hitherto untold in our annals. 

" I leave your chief executive office in the hands of 
my constitutional successor, Lieutenant-Governor Wells. 
He has already received marks of the confidence of his 
felloAV-citizens of this State, and is known to you for all 
his patriotic antecedents. I have full confidence that 
his administration of the government will have the sup- 
port of our fellow-citizens, without distinction of jjarty. 

" For myself, I shall never forget the many and flat- 
tering marks of kindness which I have received from my 
felloAV-citizens of Louisiana. That confidence which they 
have unwaveringly awarded me it will be my endeavor 
to merit and justify. AVhether it be to serve her in the 
])ublic or private station, her honor and her glory it Avill 
l)e my constant aim to promote, with all the humble 
ability I can command. 

"I respectfully recommend the Legislature to take 
such measures as may be necessary to provide, in a 
fitting manner, for the inauguration of Lieiit. Governor 
Wells into the office of Governor. 

Michael Haiin. 

When Governor Ilahn resigned his position, few 
doubted the firm loyalty of his successor. True Union- 



160 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

ists believed he would defond their interests as his prede- 
cessor had done, Ilis official acts had been in harmony 
with the measures of President Lincoln whose confidence 
he seemed to have gained. The followinc: characteristic 
letter is expressive of that confidence : 

Executive Maxsiox, 
Washin-gton, March 13, 1864. 
Hox. Michael Hahn : 

My Dear Sir : I congratulate you on having fixed 
your name in history as the first Free State Governor of 
Louisiana. Now, you are about to have a Convention, 
which, among other things, will probably define the 
elective franchise. I barely suggest, for your private 
consideration, whether some of the colored people may 
not be let in ; as, for instance, the very intelligent, and 
especially those Avho have fought gallantly in our ranks. 
They Avould probably help, in some trying time to come, 
to keep the jewel of liberty 'in the family of freedom. 
But this is only a suggestion, not for the public, but to 
you alone. 

Truly yours, A. Lincoln. 



PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 161 



CHAPTER XVnL 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

On the night of the 15th of April, 1865, the loyal 
masses of New Orleans congregrated in Lafayette 
Square to express their gratitude on the downfall of the 
rebellion. Richmond had been captured, and Lee and 
Johnston had suri-endered their armies to the L^nitcd 
States forces under Grant. At that immense gathering, 
numbering thousands, the annexed resolutions were 
adopted : 

1. Hesolved, That the loyal citizens of New Orleans 
have learned, with the liveliest emotions of delight, that 
Richmond has been captured, and that the rebel armies 
under Lee and Johnston have surrendered to the forces 
of the United States, commanded by Generals Grant 
and Sherman. 

2. liesolved, That next to that God who rules the 
destinies of nations, our thanks are due to the Army and 
Navy of our country, Avho have, through a protracted 
conflict of unexampled magnitude and iierceness, finally 
overthroAvn its enemies, and enabled us to anticipate the 
not far distant day Avhen the National flag will once 
more float in triumph over every square foot of the Na- 
tional domain. 

3. Mesolved, That in the struggle thus determined we 
hail the realization of those ideas which furnished the 
main issue in the conflict — the issue between slavery and 
freedom — and that we pledge ourselves to sustain the 



102 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

holy cause of freedom and equal riglits as the claim of 
justice and the hasis of future security. 

4. licso/ved, That the jieople of the United States, 
and the friends of liberty throughout the civilized world, 
OAve to our i)atriotic Chief Magistrate, Abraham Lincoln, 
obligations of lasting gratitude for the patriotic courage 
and wisdom he has displayed under circumstances of mi- 
exampled difficulty, in vindicating Kepublican institu- 
tions Ironi the aspersions of their enemies, for the invalu- 
able services he has rendered the cause of human liberty, 
and for the successful manner in Avhich he has brought 
the Ship of State through the rocks and shoals of re- 
bellion to the haven of peace. 

In connection with that memorable event, destined to 
live on history's page as the jubilee hour after four years 
of gloom, it is fitting to })resent the speech of the Presi- 
dent, made to a vast concourse of people at the Execu- 
tive Department in AVashington on the evening of the 
13th April, 18G5 — the last public address of the martyred 
Lincoln : 

"We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in gladness 
of the heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and llich- 
mond, and the sun-ender of theprinci2:)al insurgent army, 
gives hopes of righteous and speedy i)eace, whose joyous 
expression cannot be restrained. Li the midst of this, 
however, lie from whom all bounties flow must not be 
forgotten, 

"Acallfora National Thanksgiving is being })repared 
and Avill be duly promulgated. Nor must those whose 
harder part gives us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. 
Their honors must not be paralyzed but Avith the others. 
I myself Avas near the front, and had the high ])leasure of 
transmitting much of the good ncAvs to you ; but no 
part of the honor for the plan or execution is mine. To 



PRESIDEXT LIXCOLX. 1G3 

General Grant, liis skillful officers and l^rave men, all 
belongs. The gallant navy stood ready, but was not in 
reach to take an active part. 

"By these recent successes — the re-inauguration of Xa- 
tional authority — reconstruction, which has had a large 
share of thought from the first, is pressed more closely 
upon our attention. It is fraught with great difficulty, 
unlike the case of war between independent nations. 
There is no authorized organ for us to treat with, no one 
man has authoritj^ to give up the rebellion for any other 
man. "VVe must simply begin with and mould from the 
discordant and disorganized elements. Xor is it a small 
additional embarrassment that we loyal people difter 
among ourselves as to the mode, manner, and measure of 
reconstruction. 

" As a general rule I abstain from reading reports of 
attacks upon myself, not to be provoked by that to which 
I cannot properly offier an answer. In sjiite of this pre- 
caution, however, it comes to my knowledge that I am 
much censured for some supposed agency in setting up 
and seeking to sustain the new Government of Lou- 
isiana. 

" In this I have done just so much and no more than 
the public know. In the annual message of December, 
1863, and the accompanying proclamation, I presented a 
plan of reconstruction, as the phrase goes, Avhich I prom- 
ised, if adopted by any State, would be acceptable and 
sustained by the Executive. 

" I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan 
which might possibly be acceptable, and I also distinctly 
protested that the Executive claimed no right to say 



164 LIFE OF A. P, BOSTIK. 

when or whether members sliouhl he a(hnitted to seats 
in Congress from such States. 

"Tliis i>hin was in advance submitted to tlie Cabinet 
and approved by every member ot it. One of tliem 
suggested that I shouhl tlien and in that conjunction 
apply the emancipation proclamation to the , ex- 
cept parts, of Virginia and Louisiana that should drop 
the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people, 
and that I should omit the protest against my own 
power in regard to the admission of members of Con- 
gress. 

" But even lie approved every part and parcel of the 
plan Avhich has since been employed or touched by the 
action of Louisiana. 

" The new Constitution of Louisiana, declaring eman- 
cipation for the whole State, jiractically applies the 
j^roclamation to the part previously exempted. It does 
not adopt the apprenticeship for freed people, and is 
silent — as it could not be otherwise — about the admission 
of members to Congress so that it is applied to Louisi- 
ana. 

" Every member of the Cabinet fully approved the 
plan. The message went to Congress. I received many 
commendations of the plan, written and verbal, and not 
a single objection to it from any professed emancipation- 
ist came to my knowledge until after the news Avas re- 
ceived at Washington that the jieople of Louisiana had 
begun a move in accordance with it. 

" I had corresponded with different persons supposed 
to be interested in seeking the reconstruction of the 
State Government of Louisiana. When this message of 
1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached Xew Or- 



PKESIDENT LINCOLN. 165 

leans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident 
that the people, with the aid of his militarj- co- 
operation, Avould construct substantially on that plan. I 
wrote him and some of them to try it. They tried it 
and the result is known. 

" Such has been my only agency in the Louisiana move- 
ment. My promise is made, as I have previously stated ; 
but as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall 
treat this as a bad promise, and break it whenever I 
shall be convinced that keeping it is adverse to the jiublic 
interest ; but I have not yet been so convinced. I have 
been shown letters on this subject, supposed to be able 
ones, in which the writer expresses a regret that my 
mind has not seemed to be definitely fixed on the ques- 
tion whether seceded States, so called, are in the Union 
or out of it. 

" It would have added astonishment to his regret, 
were he to learn that since I have found professed Union 
men endeavoring to answer that question, I have pur- 
posely forborn any public expression upon it. It ap- 
pears to me that the question has not been and is not 
yet, a practically national one ; and the discussion of it, 
while it remains practically unnational, could have no 
effect, other than the mischievous one of dividing our 
friends. 

" As yet, whatever may become the question is a bad 
base of dispute, and good for nothing at all. We all 
agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their 
proper practical relation with the Union, and that the 
sole object of the GoAernment, civil and military, in 
regard to those States is to again get them into their 
proper relation. 



166 LIFK OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

" I believe tliat it is not only possible, but in fact 
easier to do this Avitliout declaring or even considering 
whether these States liave ever been out of the Union, 
or whether finding themselves safely at home, it would 
be utterly immaterial whether they had been abroad 
or not. 

" Let's join in doing acts necessary to restore the 
projier practical relation between these States and tlic 
Union to each other forever ; after innocently indulging 
his own opinion whether, in doing acts, he brought the 
States from without into the Union, or only gave theiu 
]>roper assistance, they never having been out of it. 

"The amount of constancy, so to speak, on which the 
Louisiana Government rests, would be more satisfactory 
to all if it contained 50,000 or 60,000, or even 20,000, 
instead of 12,000, as it does. It is also satisfactory to 
some that the elective franchise is not given to the colored 
man. 

" I Avould myself prefer it were now conferred on 
every intelligent one and on those Avho serve our cause 
as soldiers ; still the question is not whether the Louis- 
iana Government as it stands is quite all that is desira- 
l)le. The question is : Will it be M'ise to take it as it is, 
itself to improve or to reject and disperse ? 

" Can Louisiana be brought into her proper practical 
relation with the Union by sustaining or discarding the 
new Government? Some 12,000 votes in the hereto- 
fore slave State of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to 
the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power 
of the State, held elections, organized a State Govern- 
ment, adopted a Free State Constitution, giving the 
benefit of the public schools equally to the black and 



PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 167 

white, and empowering the Legislature to confer the 
elective franchise upon the colored men. 

" The Legislature has already voted to ratify the 
Constitutional amendment recently passed by Congress, 
abolishing slavery throughout the Union, perpetuated 
freedom in the State, committed to the very things, and 
nearly all the things the nation wants, and they ask the 
nation's recognition and assistance to make this com- 
mittal. 

" We have rejected and spurned them ; we do our 
utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We, in fact, 
say to the white man, ' you are Avorthless and Avorse ; 
we will never help you, nor be helj^ed by you.' To the 
blacks Ave say, ' This cup of liberty, Avhich these your 
old masters held to your lips, Ave Avill dash from you, 
and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled 
and scattered contents in some A'ague and indefinite 
Avhen, Avhere and how.' 

" If this course of discouraging and paralyzing both 
the white and black has any tendency to bring Louisiana 
to her proper fractional relations with the Union, I liaA'e 
so far been unable to perceiA'e it ; if, on the contrary, Ave 
recognize and sustain the ucav Government of Louisiana 
no couA'crse of all this is made true. We encourage the 
hearts and nerve the arms of 12,000 to adhere to their 
Avork, and argue for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and 
goA'ern it, and repair it to complete success. 

" The colored man, too, in seeing all united for time, is 
inspired Avith A'igilance and energy, and doing to the 
same end. Grant that he desires the electiA'e franchise, 
will he not attain it sooner by saAnng the already ad- 
vanced steps toAvard it than by moving backwards over 



168 ' LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

them ? Concede what the new Government of Louisiana 
is only to Avhat it should be as the egg to the fowl, and 
we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than 
by smashing it. 

" Again, if we reject Louisiana ; we also reject our 
vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the Na- 
tional Constitution. To meet this proposition, it has 
been argued that no more than three-fourths of those 
States Avhich have not attempted secession are nececsary 
to ratify an amendment. 

" I do not commit myself against this further than to 
say that such inference would be questionable, and 
sure to be persistently questioned, which the ratification 
by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned 
and unquestionable. 

" I repeat the question ; can Louisiana be brought 
into her proper political relation with the Union by dis- 
carding her new State Government ? That which has 
been said of Louisiana Avill apply to the other States, 
and yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and 
such important sudden changes in the same State, and 
withal so new and unprecedented to the Avhole case, that 
no exclusive and inflexible plan can safely be prescribed 
as to the details of collaterals. 

" Each exclusive and inflexible plan would surely be- 
come a new entanglement. Important principles may 
and must be inflexible. I am considering, and shall not 
fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper." 

The news of the surrender of Lee and his army made 
the peace loving masses of New Orleans shout for joy 
as they united their voices in praise of their Leader, 
the army and navy. The Star Spangled banner floated 



PKESIDENT LINCOLN. 169 

from the public buildings of the city, and from many of 
the private residences. The leading Union men assem- 
bled upon Lafayette Square — which was almost envel- 
oped with the emblems of Liberty and alive with the 
glad strains of the National airs — to speak in accents of 
praise and affection of Abraham Lincoln, who had car- 
ried the Nation safely through the dark waters of 
the rebellion, and landed it on the peaceful shores of 
Liberty. 

At the close of the meeting Dostie stepped wpon the 
platform and exclaimed, — "Let the air ring Avith cheers 
for Liberty — our glorious Lincoln — the Army and 
Navy," The enthusiastic croM'd responded, and a shout 
of gladness arose from that vast multitude in honor of 
victory. Alas ! at that moment the nation's martyr Avas 
silent in death ! On the morning of the 20th of April, 
calmness -had succeeded enthusiastic joy. New Orleans 
was quiet and peaceful, when suddenly the cry was 
heard in the streets, " President Lincoln is assassi- 
nated ! " " 'Tis false ! It is a false report of our ene- 
mies ! " was heard from every quarter. The morning 
papers, hoAvever, announced the telegraphic dispatch 
Avitli their columns clad in the emblems of mourning. 
Joy was turned into Avoe. 

Gloom hung over the city like a sombre pall. The 
public mind seemed filled Avith uniA^ersal sorrow. All 
joined in condemning the terrible crime A\diich had clad 
in mourning the Nation. Public business Avas sus- 
pended. The flags, at lialf mast, Avere hung with black. 
The Public Schools were closed, and their flags hung 
with the emblems of mourning. The military and navy 
headquarters, City Hall, Custom House, the principal 



170 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

hotels, churches, public buildings and private residences 
thre-\v out the National emblems hung -with the tokens of 
sorrow. Ships of all nations lowered tlieir flags, which 
were draped in tokens of mourning for the Nation's 
loss. The bells all over the city — tremulous with sad- 
ness, tolled their funeral chimes. Lincoln had been 
snatched from the Nation's embrace, in the hour of uni- 
versal joy. He had fallen gazhig at the Star of peace, 
that appeared in the horizon as the clouds of the rebel- 
lion rolled away. 

The great national bereavement fell with crushing 
weight upon the hearts of those in New Orleans who 
had cherished the noble acts of their liberty-loving 
leader. Said Judge Howell at a meeting organized to 
take some action, tor expressing in a public manner the 
feeling of tlie community : " Let us turn our hearts to 
the Almighty; may He in His wisdom look upon us and 
be Tvith us in this great calamity." Said Mr. Waples : 
"This sad news is so shocking to humanity, that I feel 
that words can avail nothing. Let us endeavor to bo 
calm under this terrible calamity." Said Judge Durell, 
upon being called upon to grant the motion of adjourn- 
ment of the United States District Court : " This sorrow 
is so great and opens a future so vast, affecting not 
only ourselves, but those who come after us — aifecting 
the Avhole framework of our Government, that I do not 
find this a fit occasion to speak of it." Said Dr. Dostie : 
" I can never cease to mourn the great and good Lincoln. 
Who in th(3 iiation can fill his place ? My heart is full 
of woe Avhen t attempt to look into the future." 

Through the influence of Dr. Dostie and his co-laborers 
in the School Board, the Public Schools were closed for 



PBESIDEXT LINCOLN. 171 

one week, in token of respect to the memory of Presi- 
dent Lincoln. The following published notice from the 
loyal Superintendent of the Public Schools, appeared in 
the city papers : 

Office of Superintendent of Public Schools, 
New Orleans, April 21, 1865. 

The Public Schools of New Orleans were reopened 
almost immediately after the revival of the national au- 
thoi'ity — in the midst of civil war — under the auspices 
of the good President whose melancholy departure our 
country now laments. That this cherished institution, 
therefore, may render grateful tribute to the memory of 
the illustrious dead, and that there may be due utterance 
to the unfeigned sorrow of all connected thercAvith over 
the parricidal act, by which a stricken people, yet in 
" the A'alley of the shadow of death," has been deprived 
of its faithful friend and guide, the flags of the respect- 
ive schools will be appropriately displayed, and such 
other expressions of mourning observed as may be 
practicable, for thirty days from the morning of Satur- 
day, the 22d inst. 

John B. Carter, 
Superintendent of Public Schools. 

Upon the announcement of the death of President 
Lincoln, the ofiicers of the Army and Navy of the Gulf 
Department assembled at the City Hall to make arrange- 
ments to attend Christ's Church, on the following Sab- 
bath, to pay tribute to the memory of President Lin- 
coln. 

The following is a brief account of that solemn scene, 
taken from the columns of the New Orleans Daily 
Picayune : 

According to previous arrangement, the ofiicers of the 
Army and Navy stationed in this Department attended 
Christ Church on Sunday morning, in full uniform. 



172 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

Gathering at the City Hall at half-past ten, they pro- 
ceeded in a body to the Church, headed by General 
Banks and Admiral Thatcher, The display as they en- 
tered the sacred edifice and passed up the broad aisle to 
their seats, filling the entire central part of the building, 
■was touching and imposing — the organ meanwhile giving 
forth a soft and solemn dirge. 

The Church is superbly draped in mourning. The 
altar table is covered with black cloth, and behind it is 
a high screen, formed of heavy folds of black drapery, 
bordered at the top with white lace festoons. The desk 
and pulpit are fully shi-ouded in black, and the chancel 
rails are very tastefully hung Avith the same, and fringed 
with white. The marble font, which, on the previous 
Sunday (Easter), we saw so beautiful in its sumptuous 
ai-ray of spring flowers, is now hung with emblems of 
mourning. The columns are wreathed with festoons of 
black and white crape and lace, and the porch is literally 
canopied with flags. Over the main entrance to the 
Church there is a handsome display of appropriate 
mourning. 

The services of the day were arranged to suit the 
solemn occasion. Of course, the Collect, Epistle and 
Gospel for Sunday after Easter, were read. But in say- 
ing the Morning Prayer, Rev. Mr. Chubbuck and his 
assistant Presbyter made some variations from the usual 
order. The first lesson Avas that touching portion of the 
first chapter of II Samuel, in which David lamented the 
death of Saul and Jonathan : " The beauty of Israel is 
slain upon his high places ; how are the mighty fallen ! 
Tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the streets of Aske- 
lon ! How are the mighty fallen in the midst of the 



PRESIDENT LINCOLN. Il3 

iDattle, and the Aveapons of war perished ! " etc. The 
second lesson was that immortal argument of St. Paul 
to the Corinthians (1st Cor. XY) in support of the doc- 
trine of the resurrection from the dead. 

The Psalms selected, instead of those for the day, 
were the 31st, "In Tiiee, Lord, have I put my trust," and 
the 13th, "Out of the deep have I called nnto Thee." 
The Prayers " For a sick person," and " For a person 
in affliction," the first being specially used with reference 
to the Secretary of State, and the last to the people of 
the United States and the family of the late President, 
were said in the proper place. The introductory senten- 
ces before the Exhortation, were those with which the 
burial service commences : " I am the resurrection and 
the life," etc. 

The music was very touchingly performed by a well- 
selected choir. Previous to the commencement of 
Morning Prayer, that beautiful air of Paesiello, " Come 
ye disconsolate," was beautifully sung. Instead of the 
" Venite," the anthem from the 39th and 90th Psalms, 
from the burial service, " Lord, let me know ray end," 
was sung to a plain chant with great expression. The 
canticle, " O all ye works of the Lord !" The Song of the 
Three Holy Children, which they sang as they walked ui 
the midst of the fire, was chanted in the place of the 
"Te Deum," and the "Benedictus," instead of the 
"Jubilate." The introit was from the 86th Psalm, 
" Bow down thine ear, O Lord, and hear me," to which 
was finely adapted the beautiful music of the prayer in 
" Moise." The hymn was the 160th, " When gathering 
clouds around I view." 



174 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

An address from the Rev. S. C. Tlirall was then de- 
livered, appreciated as expressed by the following letter: 

New Orleans, April 27, 1865. 
To the Officers of the Army and Navy in Kew Orlecms : 

Your Committee believing that the Address delivered 
at Christ Church, by the Kev. S. C. Thrall, D. D., on 
Sunday, the 23d instant, in memorial of the tragic death 
of your late Commander-in-Chief, the President of the 
United States, contains a truthful analysis of his char- 
acter, and i)ays a just tribute to the admirable traits of 
his head and heart ; and that you would desire to pre- 
serve a record in some ])ermanent form, of the action 
you took in honor of his memory ; and in order that 
your brother officers, who were unable to participate in 
the solemnities of the occasion, may in some measure 
enjoy the same pleasure in reading that you did in hear- 
ing the Address, have, at the suggestion of the present, 
and also of the former Commanding General of the De- 
partment of the Gulf, obtained a copy for publication as 
here printed. 

The notice of the service taken from the Picayime,' 
and the correspondence between your Committee and 
the Rev. Dr. Thrall, published with the Address, ex- 
plains their action, and the deep interest manifested by 
the Rector, Wardens, Vestry, and Members of Christ 
Church, in an event that has drowned a nation and the 
whole world in tears — clad your country in the habili- 
ments of sorrow, and your hearts in mourning. 

. E. B. Browx, Brig.-Gen. Vols. 
E. G. Beckwith, Col. U. S. Army. 
G. F. Emmons, Capt. U. S. Navy. 



CONFIDEXCE IX ANDREW JOn>'SO:N". 175 



CHAPTER XIX. 

PUBLIC CONFIDENCE IX ANDREW JOHNSON. 

" Who in the nation can fill the place of Abraham Lin- 
coln ? " was the great question of loyal people after 
the first shock of bereavement, feeling that no one, in 
truth, could fittingly succeed to a place consecrated by 
the Great Emancipator to loyalty and liberty. 

Andrew Johnson was made President of the United 
States by the power of Conspiracy and Assassination. 
The people submitted to that decree and with sad, anx- 
ious hearts, the loyal masses endeavored to support his 
administration. Many with faith and hope looked to 
him as a guide and protector — as the Chief Executive 
of a Republic whose duty it was to make treason odious, 
and to frown upon rebellion and tyranny. The record 
of Andrew Johnson's official acts under the administra- 
tion of Lincoln were those of a patriot. His record 
during the rebellion under the eye of the Just President 
was such as to draw the hearts of the loyal people 
strongly to him, who doubted not that his future course 
would harmonize with the beneficent policy of his Prede- 
cessor. With confidence in the administration of An- 
drew Johnson, the loyal masses of New Orleans met in 
Lafayette Square, August 17th, 1865, to give expression 
to their trust in the Chief Magistrate. 



176 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

Dostic ^vas one of the prime movers in orc^anizing that 
meeting-. He wrote to many of the prominent Union 
men of the city, urging them to speak in favor of John- 
son \ipon the occasion. The meeting was called to order 
by A. C. Hills, Esq., who nominated Jiidge Durell for 
President of the meeting. Among the vice-presidents 
chosen were Dr. A. P. Dostie, B. R. Plumley, E. Heath, 
J. Graham, M. F. Bonzano, Wm. H. Hire, Rev. J. W. 
Horton, Alfred Shaw, H. C. Wainoth, Judge Heis- 
tend. Dr. E. Goldman, Ex-Gov. Hahn, John Henderson, 
and S. S. Fish. The following were some of the reso- 
lutions adopted at that meeting : 

^' I^esolved, That the unity of this country is indis- 
pensable to the perpetuation of a truly republican gov- 
ernment ; that the freedom for Avhieh our forefathers 
fought crn only be secured to us by a steadfast adher- 
ence to the great principles of liberty, equality and 
fraternity ; 

^'' liesolved, That to those who have promptly, hon- 
estly and in good faith, availed themselves of the Pro- 
clamation of Amnesty of President Lincoln, and Avho 
have by their countenance and sui^port, aided the mili- 
tary authorities of the United States in their efibrts to 
re-establish republican institutions in the insurrectionary 
States are entitled to the sympathy and regard of all 
good citizens, and to a full restitution of all political 
rights at as early a day as may be practicable. 

'"'' Resolved, That in our opinion, no man who has ever 
held any office of trust or emolument — civil, naval or 
military — under the rebel authorities, should be per- 
mitted to hold office under the United States Govern- 
ment. 

" Resolved, That in re-establishing civil Government 
in the Southern States, our only safety consists in mak- 
ing all loyal men equal before the law ; and that any 
government established that does not realize this prin- 



CONTIDENCE IX ANDEEW .lOIINSON. 177 

ciple, is neither just nor equitable, and consequently not 
a republican Government. 

" liesolved, That while the loyal men of Louisiana 
were appalled at the brutal assassination, and sincerely 
mourn the loss of the wise, humane and noble President, 
Abraham Lincoln, they hereby express their confidence 
in the patriotism, ability and discretion of Andrew 
Johnson, President of the LTnited States. That his long 
public career, unblemished by any stain of disloyalty, 
great in noble and successful devotion to the people's 
interests, especially marked by his earnest opposition to 
treason, has given him the right to our warmest admira- 
tion and heartiest support ; that we pledge to him our 
constant aid in the Avork of re-establishing good Govern- 
ment and loyalty in the Southern States. 

" liesolved, That J. Madison Wells, acting Governor 
of the State, Avho received the united vote of the Free 
State Party, has proved false to the high trust reposed 
in him, in appointing to oflice men who signed the ordi- 
nance of secession, and registered enemies to the United 
States Government ; that his course as Governor has 
been reactionary, calculated to work injury to the 
Union cause, and that he is no longer entitled to our 
confidence." 

Judge Durell addressed the meeting as follows : 
^'' Fellow- Citizens — I thank you for the great honor 
this evening conferred on me. No greater occasion than 
this has offered itself during the past four years of bat- 
tle than that which lias called us together. When our 
great Republic has asserted its majesty and its power, 
beating down all the armies marshaled against it, and 
standing now in the morning of a new administration, 
called without respect to local divisions, but as equal 
lovers of our great country ; called upon under such 
circumstances to come together and pledge our mutual 
faith — our mutual strength to the assertion of the unity 



ITS LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

of our country. This meeting is called to pledge to our 
nation at home and to the nations abroad our fixed de 
terminate will — fixed in the present as in the past — fixed 
in the future as in the present, to support tlie liberties 
and Government which our forefathers handed down 
to us. 

" Gentlemen, I will perform the duties of this evening 
with pleasure. [Applause,] 

Mr. Hills then read the following letters: 

"New Orleans, May 17, 1865. 
" Hon. A. P. Dostie : 

" Dear Sir — I regret that prior CTigagements, which 
cannot be cancelled, will prevent me from complying 
with your kind invitation to address the meeting to be 
held this evening, by the friends of President Johnson, 
and of 'loyalty to national freedom and national Union.' 
It would aftbrd me great pleasure to mingle Avith, and 
address the citizens whose names are signed to the call ; 
for among them I recognize many who, during the reign 
of treason in this city, faithfully and wisely, though 
unostentatiously, adhered to the Union cause. Some 
participated with myself in the grand ' Union Rally,' 
on the same spot, on the 8th of May, 1860, when seces- 
sionism first reared its head in this city. The spirit of 
rebellion having been overcome by the courage and self- 
sacrificing efforts, of the Union armies, it is right that 
the loyal people should meet and take counsel as to the 
principles to guide them in the future. 

" The secessionists of Louisiana, the leaders Avho in- 
fluenced and deluded the masses, the men who paraded 
our streets with blue cockades, and sneeringly denounced 
us as base ' submissionists,' who compelled Unionists 



CONFTDEXCE IK AXDEEW JOHNSON. 1V9 

like youi'self to leave their homes, and who hy fraud 
wedded the administration of our State Government to 
the cause of treason, aud thus soi;ght to rob us of our 
proud nationality — have a terrible responsibility resting 
upon them. Many are now returning. Some have pro- 
fited by their folly and their crime, and ask us to foi'gct 
and forgive the past. Let our conduct towards them 
be marked by a calm forbearance, worthy of our 
triumph. 

" The language of Andrew Johnson, addressed to the 
people of Tennessee, on the adoption of the Free State 
Constitution is equally and happily applicable to the 
condition of Louisiana. 

" ' The foundations of society, under the change in the 
Constitution, are in harmony with the principles of free 
government and the National Union ; and if the people 
are true to themselves, true to the State, and loyal to 
the Federal Government, they will rapidly overcome the 
calamities of the war, and raise the State to a power 
and grandeur not heretofore even anticipated. Many of 
its vast resources lie undiscovered, and it requires intel- 
ligent enterprise and free labor alone, to develop them, 
and clothe the State with a richness and beauty, sur- 
passed by none of her sisters.' 

" Respectfully yours, 

Michael Hahn." 

"New Orleans, May 16, 1865. 
" Dr. A. P. Dostie : 

"Z)ear Sir, — Your compliment to me is very grati- 
fying. I have the highest respect for President Johnson. 
The American people will soon know how to appreciate 
his elevated qualities as a patriot and statesman. 



ISO LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE, 

"I would willinG^ly take part in tlic dcmonstratioa to- 
morrow evening in tlie mode you suggest, but prefer on 
this occasion to take part as a spectator and listener. 
May all success attend you. 

"Respectfully, J. S. AVtiitakei;."' 

"New Orleans, May 16, 1865. 
" A. P. Dostie, Esq., Chairman, etc. : 

" I aided the nomination of Andrew Johnson, and am 
to-day an ardent supporter of him. I shall be glad to 
do all that lies in my power at the meeting to-morrow 
night. 

" Very respectfully yours, 

J. P. Sullivan." 

New Orleans, May 16, 1865. 
Dr. A. P. Dostie, Committee of Invivation, etc. : 

Sir : I have the honor to acknoAvledge and thank you 
for an invitation to address the meeting to-morrow night, 
in Lafayette Square, in support of our honored President, 
Andrew Johnson, and his Administration, I shall re- 
joice to add my little aid to tlie cause of Free Stateism 
and Johnsonian principles on that occasion. 
Very truly yours, 

RuFus Waples. 

New Orleans, May 15, 1865. 
Hon. A. P. Dostie, Chairman, etc. : 

Dear Sir: Your note of this date, inviting mc to be 
present and address a meeting of the friends of the Uni- 
ted States Government Avho desire to sustain President 
Johnson, to be held on the 17th inst., on Lafayette 
Square, has just come to hand. 

I had intended to be present as a citizen to hear what 



COXFIDENCE IX ANDKE"\V JOHNSOX. 181 

might be said on the occasion, and had not thought of 
taking any part in the meeting. I prefer not to speak, 
yet, if desired, Avill do so. 

Very respectfully, 

L. A. Sheldon. 

Many other letters were read from prominent Union 
men in New Orleans expressive of confidence in Andrew 
Johnson. Addresses were delivered on that occasion by 
Col. Thorpe, Judge "VVamoth, Rev. Dr. Perne, Judge 
Heistend, and Dr. Dostie'. 

In the narration of these events, it will be necessary 
to go back to the 5th of March, 1865, v.^hen J. M. 
Wells was inaugui*ated Governor of Louisiana. At that 
time he was supposed to be in sympathy Avith loyal men 
and an enemy to the rebellion. In his first official acts 
he proved his opposition to the Unionists, who had elect- 
ed him to office. Among his first recommendations was 
that of Dr. Kennedy to the office of Mayor of New Or- 
leans. Dr. Kennedy was a strong advocate of the re- 
bellion, a man who favored oppression, who believed in 
elevating the aristocracy and degrading the laboring 
classes. One of his first acts as Mayor Avas the issuing 
an order decreasing the Avages of the city laborers, Avho 
were already suffering on account of their scant means 
of support. A call Avas made to the friends of the suf- 
ferers to assemble on Lafliyette Square, for the purpose 
of denouncing the proceedings of the Mayor. At the 
hour appointed for the meeting thousands Avere seen 
going in the direction of the Public Square. Lafayette 
Square in Ncav Orleans is considered as the property of 
the public. On the night of the laboring class rights 
meeting the anti-republican Mayor Kennedy ordered its 



182 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

gates locked. The meeting was held in the street, in 
front of the City Hall. The annexed resolutions were 
read and unanimously adopted : 

W/ie)'eas, The present improvised and irregular Gov- 
ernment has attempted to overrule the Constitution of 
the State by repealing the labor ordinance, thus re- 
moving one of the supports and guarantees due to labor. 

Mesolved, That this assembly disapproves and con- 
demns this usurpation of power on the i^art of said city 
authorities. 

Resolved, That said proceedings are without any 
justification or excuse, and utterly in violation of the 
fundamental law. 

Resolved, Tliat the administration of Acting Mayor 
Kennedy is a failure, and we call upon that incompetent 
functionary to resign. 

Resolved, That Ave recommend like proceeding to 
Glendy Burke, Dr. Edward Ames, of the Bureau of 
Streets and Landings, and all others concerned in the 
movement against the interests of labor. 

Resolved, That tb.e city Government is now in the 
hands of Copperheads and notorious sympathizers with 
the accursed rebellion, which, thank God, our brave 
brothers have so well nigh crushed and destroyed ; and 
that to the loyal citizen they are intolerable, and should 
be removed ; that loyal and trusty citizens may be called 
to fill their places. 

Among the sjjeakers at that meeting was the Hon. 
John Henderson, a prominent opponent of slavery in the 
Louisiana Convention of 1864. From the New Orleans 
Ti'ue Delta we extract the following in relation to the 
meeting : 

" Mr. Henderson, in a very energetic speech, denounced 
the conduct and policy of Hugh Kennedy, the Mayor, 
and depicted him as an enemy to the free State of Louisi- 
ana, and inquired who appointed him. Mr. Henderson 



COJSTPIDENCE IX ANDREW JOHXSOX, 183 

argued that the Government, by sending General Banks 
to this State, had virtually recognized us as a free State, 
but Governor Wells in his appoinements . had shown 
himself unfaithful to the trust confided to him by the 
people, who believed him to be a good Union man when 
he came in the guise of a refugee. Mr. Henderson 
called on the people to seek proper redress." 

Dr. Dostie was urged to address the assembly. He 
said he would only take a retrospective view of affairs. 
His remarks condemned the conduct of Governor Wells, 
and the proceedings of the Mayor as outrageous. He 
advocated law and order, but called on the people to 
seek redress. 

He said the appointment of Mayor Kennedy was due 
to Governor Wells, whom he characterized as the John 
Tyler of the Free State party, who had sold out and 
turned over the party and its principles into the hands 
of the Copperheads. He said it was Governor Wells 
who had attempted to remove the Terrebonne officials, 
and appointed such men as Verret and McColium, sign- 
ers of the infamous ordinance of secession. He proposed 
that the assembly, when it should adjom-n, should pro- 
ceed to the residence of Major-General Banks, and pay 
their respects as laboring men to the man who had risen 
from humble origin (having been a laboring man) to the 
high position he now enjoyed as a soldier and statesman, 
in command of the most important military Department, 
thai: of the Gulf." 

There were men who had held human beings in bond- 
age, who at the commencement of the slaveholder's re- 
bellion gladly gave up their slaves and entered heart and 
soul into the great movement destined to revolutionize 



184 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

the Slave States. Such took no backward steps, and 
laid no impediments in the Avay of liberty. A policy 
based upon hypocrisy has ever been used by the des- 
potic slaveholder to commit crimes of the darkest hue. 
It was that policy that led Governor "Wells to conceal 
his true motives, imtil he could grasp the reins of power. 
Then, \mmasked, he stepped upon the political arena to 
strike the blows of a despot. At first he timidly vascil- 
lated before the just policy of Lincoln, and trod lightly 
and stealthily upon the platform, which he feared might 
be resting upon a volcano of wrath. But over the grave 
of Lincoln he planted himself upon the rock which An- 
drew Johnson erected for despots and became his willing 
accomplice. 

Li September, 1864, General Banks was ordered 
North, and did not return until April, 1865, to resume 
command of the Gulf Department. Upon his return 
the few weeks permitted him to act in favor of loyalty 
were spent in bold decisive action. The following was 
one of his first ordei's : — 

" Department of the Gulf, ) 
New Orleans, May 5th, 1865. f 

" Special Orders, iVb. 119,] 

[Extract.] 

"5. Col. Samuel M. Quincy, 73d U. S. Colored Li- 
fantry, is relieved from his present duties, and is hereby 
assigned to the duty of Acting Mayor of the city of 
New Orleans. 

" Upon the receipt of this order, he will proceed to 
the City Hall, and assume the duties of that office. The 



CONTIDEN^CE IN" ANDREW JOHNSOX. 185 

present Acting Mayor is directed to surrender to him all 

the papers connected with that office. 

******* 

" By coramand of Major General Ranks. 

"J. C. Stone, 
Capt. and Asst. Adjt. Gen. 

Finding General Banks an impediment to his plans, 
Governor Wells hastened to Washington to unbosom 
his favorite theories to his friend Andrew Johnson, 
President of the United States. 

At this crisis of political affairs in Louisiana, the 
friends of liberty looked to President Johnson as their 
future deliverer from rebel intrigue. 

In a paper edited by colored men in Xew Orleans, at 
that time, we find the following article, expressive of 
that confidence : 

"The removal of Hugh Kennedy from the office of 
Mayor and the appointment of Colonel S. M. Quincy to 
that place, has been the event of the week of most 
interest to our people. The appointment of Dr. Ken- 
nedy to the Mayoralty by the late General Hurlbut, 
through our departed Governor Wells, was the begin- 
ning of a new rule of CojDperheads and rebels, out of 
which, if it were possible, slavery would be re-established, 
and all the old wrongs of the slavocracy would be again 
fastened upon us. Slavery never had a stronger advo- 
cate than Dr. Kennedy, nor a more practical supporter 
than Gov. Wells, who, owning three hundred of us in 
bondage, could not be expected to repent in a day, as 
indeed he did not ; for instead of emancipating his 
slaves he had them brought near Xew Orleans, where 
he helped to support them, while he made political cap- 
ital with the Radicals out of this professed humanity. 



186 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

" Governor Wells was loud in his professions of radi- 
cal politics, wliicli secured for liim the nomination and 
election for Lieutenant Governor. Hoav much he must 
he Avedded to the spirit, if not to the fact of the ' old 
evil,' may be known l>y his removal of Union Free State 
men, and his appointment of rebel sympathizers and 
registered enemies to their places, at the very time when 
our new President, the brave and loyal Andy Johnson, 
the liberator of our race in Tennessee, was speaking 
every day to delegations against just such men and such 
policy as our Governor was advancing. 

" We cannot help being thankful to God, who all 
through this revolution for our freedom has sent us 
deliverance at the right time, that on this occasion the 
strong hand of our friend. Major General Banks, Avas 
present to protect us from the new rule of rebels and 
copperheads. Defeated here, Governor Wells and Dr. 
Kennedy, with a few of their friends have gone to 
Washington, to lay the last hope and the last prayer 
of the i-eturning rebels, and the anxious Copperheads of 
Louisiana, at the feet of the heroic President Johnson, 
who, all his life, has been fighting to overthrow just 
such men as now ask him to restore them to power. 

" May they have a good time in learning from our 
noble President that the scepter has departed from their 
hands, because they held it for evil, and henceforth there 
is for them only repentance and quiet submission to the 
true people whom the God of Freedom has appointed 
to rule." 

Soon after the arrival of Governor Wells in Washing- 
ton, the annexed order Avas sent to the excited city of 
Tew Orleans, from near the Executive Mansion : 



CONFIDENCE IN ANDREW JOHNSON. 187 

Washington, D. C, May 21, 1865. 
To J. aS. JValtoji, Treasurer, City of JVeio Orleans: 

Sir : I hereby notify you as Treasurer of the city of 
New Orleans, not to pay at the peril of your securities 
any warrant drawn upon you for pay of individuals, ma- 
terial for public uses or other purposes whatsoever that 
may have been made or authorized by Col. S. M. Quincy, 
a colonel of a colored regiment of United States volun- 
teer troops, or any other person acting or pretending to 
act under the appointment of Major-General Banks, 
Commanding General Department of the Gulf, as said 
General Banks acted contrary to law, and his proceed- 
ings are disapproved by the President of the United 
States, in suspending the civil authorities of the city of 
New Orleans and overthrowing the laws and ordinances 
instituted for its good government. 

I have the honor to be, sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

(Signed) J. Madison Wells, 

Governor. 

To a greater length could testimony be extended, 
but enough has been written to show that never was re- 
posed confidence more betrayed than the nation's trust 
in the successor of Abraham Lincoln. 



LIFE OF A. P, BOSTIE. 



CHAPTER XX. 

GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED BY GENERAL CANBY. 

June 4th, 18G5, General Banks was removed from the 
Gulf Department and General Canby resumed command 
of the same. The acts of a Nero never created a greater 
consternation among his subjects than did the following 
order in the loj'al ranks of Ncav Orleans, who saw in it 
only the hand of Governor Wells and his advisers, 
Hugh Kennedy and Glcndy Burke : 

Headquarters Department of the Gulf, 
New Orleans, La., June 8, 1865. 
Sjiecial Orders, No. 152. 

[Extract.] 

17. Mr. Hugh Kennedy is appointed Acting Mayor of 
the city of New Orleans. 

Col. ^ Samuel M. Quincy, Y3d U. S. Colored Infantry, 
is relieved from duty as Acting Mayor, and will rejoin 
his regiment. He will turn over to Mr. G. Burke, who 
is authorized to act until the arrival of the Acting Mayor, 
the duties of the office in which he is now acting. 

By order of Major-General E. R. S. Canbv, 

C. H. Dyer, 
Capt. and Asst.-Adj.-Gen. 

In league with the Chief Magistrate, with an armed 
police force at his command, and with the Nero qualifi- 
cations of Glendy Burke to lead in municipal affiairs 



GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED. 189 

until the arrival of "Lord" Hugh Kennedy, Governor 
Wells Avas prepared to instigate the hidden policy of the 
ruler who swayed his iron scepter over the y>oov oppressed 
people from the throne he had erected to the cause of the 
rebellion in the Capital of our Republic. 

Loyalty in New Orleans was made odious ; liberty 
was disgraced, and Union leaders and reformers were 
marked for rebel vengeance. Oppression and indignity 
was the fate of all Avho dared to resist the unjust decree 
of despots and tyrants. 

To the proud spirit, patriotic heart, and iron Avill of 
Dostie this despotism was keen agony. Said a friend : 
" I went to Dostie's office to consult with him upon the 
strange state of aifairs in the city. I found him in an 
agitated state of mind. I suggested ' that had Hahn 
remained Governor, things might have been differently 
conducted, and reflected upon Hahn's statesmanship in 
resigning his office. In his decided manner he remarked, 
' Governor Hahn is no prophet ; when he resigned his 
office as Governor, he could not foresee the murder of 
Lincoln. He acted, as he thought, in favor of the inter- 
ests of his State, expecting to labor in the United States 
Senate for Louisiana. President Johnson is no traitor, 
but he listens to the advice of corrupt men wiio throng 
the Executive Mansion. The acts and sayings of John- 
son have been my study too long to doubt his honesty. 
"When he appreciates tlie condition of LTnion men in 
Louisiana our rights Avill be protected.' " 

The finger of destiny plainly pointed to Dostie as the 
victim to be sacrificed to traitor hate and tyranny. His 
public acts and progressive movements made him a con- 
spicuous mark for those who viewed with contempt his 



190 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

labors for liberty and exertions to protect the down 
trodden and the laboring classes. A true reformer, he bore 
a name worthy to be placed by the side of a Wilberforce, 
Lovojoy, Cobden or a Bright. His noble standard of 
radical Unionism upon which not a blot had been dis- 
covered was in direct antagonism to the prejudices of the 
aristocrats and rebels by whom he was surrounded. 
Jealous of the growing popularity and influence of 
Dostie, his enemies had cherished their wrath to pour it 
upon the head of their victim. " Tlic proud spirit of 
Dostie shall be crushed," said a coalition who had con- 
spired to plot his distruction. Governor Wells was the 
leader of that fixction which had determined upon the 
downfall and death of the patriotic Dostie. The first 
blow was struck on the 13th of June, 1865, It was the 
seizure of the Auditor's oflice. As one of the many 
high-handed acts of despotism connected with the 
establishment of the iron rule of the Slave power and 
thuggery in New Orleans during the administration of 
Johnson, we present the following account of the seizure 
of the Auditor's office from the True Delta of June 14 : 

" Few of our citizens are now unaware that the office 
of Dr. A. P. Dostie, State Auditor, was yesterday 
entered \)\ a body of the city police, and the Auditor 
forcibly and summarily expelled. We give below a plain, 
simple statement of the facts in the case, without com- 
ment of any kind : 

"Between 11 and 12 o'clock, several policemen, headed 
by the Acting Chief of Police, Mr. John Burke, and 
accompanied by Mr. Julian Neville, entered the Audi- 
tor's office. Approaching Dr. Dostie, Mi\ Neville pre- 
sented a paper, after glancing over which the Auditor 



GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED. 191 

i 

said, 'I shall probably be prepared to comply with this 
to-morrow morning.' 

" Upon the Doctor refusing positively to vacate immedi- 
ately, Mr. Neville turned to Lieut. Burke, and said : ' I 
now turn this over to your hands,' and left the place. 
Mr. Burke then informed Dr. Dostie that he was 'in 
charge of the office ; ' to which the latter replied that 
' this is a State office, and I am a State officer, and it will 
require force to dispossess me.' Mr. Burke replied : 
' My orders are to take possession, and I shall certainly 
do so.' Di-. Dostie asked if he had Avritten orders. Mr. 
Burke said he had. Dr. Dostie asked to see them, and 
they were shown him. He then asked for a copy, but 
Mr. Burke replied : ' I have no orders to let a copy be 
taken.' 

" For a moment Dr. Dostie Avent to his private room, 
and returning, instructed Mr. Kruse — one of his clerks, 
to take charge of his private papers. He then again 
protested against the proceedings, and said he would be 
expelled only by force. In a loud tone of voice he then 
exclaimed, turning toward the latter gentleman, who 
was in the office on business : ' If I must go, I wish first 
to say a few words in presence of Mr. Kruse and Mr. 
Blake, ' 

" Here he was interrupted by Mr. Burke, who ad- 
dressed one of his subordinates, as follows : ' Bliome, 
put the Doctor out ! ' The policeman advanced and 
seized Dr. Dostie by the shoulders, with the remark : ' I 
can handle you like a book.' The Doctor, seeing further 
resistance useless, thereupon left the office. 

" The police remained in possesion of the office, re- 
taining the private letters and papers of the Auditor 



192 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

and his clerks, and even some of Dr. Dostie's wearing 
apparel. Lieutenant Burke went in search of Mr. jSTc- 
ville, to whom he gave tlie keys, Avith the exception of 
that belonging to the safe, which he retains, and which 
he Avill refuse to give up. The Doctor locked the safe 
while the officers Avere in the outer office. 

" Dr. Dostie received no notification of his expulsion 
prior to the arrival of the police. The following is the 
authority uj^on which Lieutenant Burke acted : 

"Mayokalty of Neav Orleans, ) 
June 13, 1865. \ 
" Lieut. J. Burke, First District Police : 

" Sir — You will proceed immediately to the office of 
Auditor of Public Accounts, now in the possession of 
Mr. A. P. Dostie ; and declared vacant by His Excel- 
lency, Governor Wells. 

" You M'ill take possession of the office and the 
records, and deliver the same at once to Julian Neville, 
Esq., appointed by the Governor, Auditor ^>ro tempore. 

" You will see that Mr. Neville, is placed in secure 
possession of the office. 

"If physical force is needed, you Avill vise it, and you 
will commit to prison any individual or party who inter- 
feres in any degree, in the execution of this order. 

" (Signed.) G. Burke, 

Acting Mayor. 

"After executing the above. Lieutenant Burke made 
the foUoAving report : 

" Office of the Chief of Police, ) 
New Orleans, June 13, 1865. j" 
" IIo7i. Glendy Burke, Acting Mayor : 

" Sir — I have the honor to report that in obedience to 
your order of this date I proceeded, in company Avith 
Julian Neville, Esq., to the office of the Auditor of Pub- 
lic Accounts. 

" Mr. Dostie positively refused to vacate the office, 



GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED. 193 

whereupon I called a policeman to eject him in as c:entle 
a manner as the circumstances of the case admitted of. 

" I securely closed the doors, delivered the keys to 
Mr. Neville, and placed a guard of policemen on the 
office, with instructions that none but Mr. Neville or his 
deputies should have access thereto. 

" Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
(Signed) j. Burke, 

Lieut, and Acting Chief of Police. 

" The following is the order of the Governor referred 
to by Mayor Burke : 

[by the goverxor.] 
State of Louisiajs-a, 

Executive Department, ) 
"New Orleans, June 13, 1865. j" 
_ Whereas, The General Assembly of the State of Lou- 
isiana, at its last session, did adopt a joint resolution in 
the words following to wit : 

[No. 38.] 

Joint Hesolutioti, Requesting the Governor of the 
State to see that all laAvs are enforced in the case of all 
persons holding civil offices under the State who are 
required to furnish bonds for the performance of their 
official duties. 

W/m-eas, Persons are holding and exercising the du- 
ties of civil offices in the State who have not'turnished 
bonds as required by law. 

-Resolved by the Senate and Hones of Representatives 
in General Assembly Convened, That the Governor of 
the State be and is hereby requested to take immediate 
measures to compel all such persons to furnish bonds 
according to law, and in default thereof to remove such 
persons from office. 

Resolved further, That where bonds have been given, 
subject to the approval of the Governor of the State, he 
be and is hereby requested to investigate the solvency 
of all such bonds, and if he shall deem the bond or 



.s 



194 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

honds insnfRcicnt, to require new hcmds to he furnished 
satisfactory to liim. 

(Signed) Simeon Belden, 

Sjieakcr of the House of Representatives. 
(Signed) Louis Gastinel, 

Ex-Officio Lieutenant Governor and President of the 
Senate. 

Approved Marcli 29, 1SG5. 

(Signed) J. Madisox Wells, 

Governor of the State of Louisiana. 
A true co])y : 

S. Wkotxowski, 
Secretary of State. 
And W/iereas, Acting in pursuance of the special 
autliority conferred <mi nie tlierein, as well as by my 
constitutional obligations to see the laws enforced, I 
deem it my duty to address the said A. P. Dostie, Audi- 
tor of Pxiblic Accounts, by letter, requiring him to 
furnisli a new and sufficient bond, as will appear by 
copy herewith, viz : 

State of Louisiana, Executive Department, ) 
New Orleans, April 15, 18G5. \ 
A. jP. Dostie, J^Jsq., Auditor of Ptchlie Accounts : 

"Under authority of joint resolution of the General 
Assembly, (copy of which is herewith annexed,) and 
regarding your bond on file in the Secretary of State's 
office as insufficient, not one of the sureties being as- 
sessed for real estate, you are hereby notified that you 
are required to furnish a new bond, ' witli not less than 
five good and sufficient securities,' satisfactory to me, 
within thirty days from the date hereof 

J. Madison Wells, 
Governor of Louisiana. 
A?id, whereas, The said A, P. Dostie has failed to fur- 
nish the required official bond within the time prescribed 
by law, and the consequence is that the State is Avithout 
adequate security for protection against any illegal acts 
that may be committed by him : 



GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED, 195 

And, wlweas, The second section of the act of 1855, 
entitled "An act to regulate the office of Auditor of 
Public Accounts, provides " that, should he [the Audi- 
tor] fail to give such bond and security within the time 
required, the office shall be considered vacant, and the 
Governor shall immediately order a ncAV election ;" 

Now, therefore, in vicAV of the foregoing premises, I, 
J. Madison Wells, Governor of the State of Louisiana, 
do hereby declare the office of Auditor of Public Ac- 
counts to be vacant, and by virtue of the 2Gth section of 
the act of 1855, before quoted, I do hereby appoint 
Julian Neville, Auditor of Public Accounts, to fulfill all 
the duties and enjoy the emoluments of said office, 
as provided by law, \intil after an election shall have 
been held throughout the State to fill the vacancy, and 
the Auditor so elected be duly commissioned and quali- 
fied according to law. 

Given under my hand at the city of New Orleans, 
this 13th day of June, A. D,, 1865, and of the year of 
the Independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. 

J. Madison Wells, 

Governor of Louisiana. 

The following letter from Dostie gives the true ex- 
planation of the non-renewal of bond, showing the falsity 
of the charge : 

New Orleans, June 13, 1865. 

" To the Public. — I Avas to-day waited upon by Julian 
Neville, Esq., accompanied by the Acting Chief of Po- 
lice, Mr. Burke, and two other police officers. The 
former presented to me an order, issued by Acting Gov- 
ernor Wells, requiring me to turn over the archives of 
my office to him as Auditor pi'o tern. Refusing to obey 
the illegal mandate, I was seized hold of by Acting 
Chief Burke and one of the policemen, and taken from 
the room by force. Returning subsequently, I found the 



196 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

oiBce closed and in charge of the police. The ground 
alleged by the Acting Governor was the non-rencAval of 
my bond, which was sometime ago demanded of me on 
the ground that my securities were not assessed for real 
estate. 

" After the demand was made, Acting Governor Wells, 
unexpectedly to me, left the State, and did not return 
again within the thirty days allowed me. Otherwise I 
should have responded to him, as advised by legal coun- 
sel, arguing that the demand was illegal, good and sol- 
vent security only being required by law ; or I would, 
if insisted upon, have complied with the demand, illegal 
as it was, either of which I was fully j^repai-ed to do. 
My bonds had not been objected to on any other ground. 
The securities were perhaps not assessed for real estate 
within the Parish of Orleans, but they were fully compe- 
tent and possessed of ample means to secure the $10,000, 
or several times that sum, if necessary. I was elected 
by the people, and had Avithin thirty days after being 
notified of my election duly given bonds, Avhich were 
approved according to law. No man can say the securi- 
ties were not good, solvent and sufficient, or that they 
are less so now than they were then. 

" Be that as it may, I was yesterday violently ejected 
without other calling of my attention to the subject, or 
preliminaiy warning or notice than the appearance of the 
policemen Avith the order alluded to. 

" The proclamation with the reasons assigned, was pub- 
lished at a subsequent hour in the Picayune, and was 
only seen or knoAvn by myself or the public after thete 
violent proceedings had taken place. 

" When securities to bonds are required to be freeholders 



GENERAL BAISTRS DISPLACED, 197 

the bond expressly so states. Such is the case with the 
Treasurer's bond. But there is no such requirement of 
law in the case of the Auditor. The joint resolution 
passed by the late Legislature required the Governor to 
investigate the " solvency of bonds." He never objected 
to my bonds, nor called my attention to it for any want 
of " solvency " which would have given a color of law 
to his original demand, but only for the securities not 
' being assessed for real estate,' which is no legal ground 
whatever. 

" I am a civil officer, a co-ordinate member of the Execu- 
tive De^jartment of the State, and Acting Governor 
Wells is also a civil officer. There was a way of testing 
my right to the office by law, through the agency of 
courts of justice. Every respectable lawyer knows the 
means and the way. If civil law is to reign in our 
State, instead of usurpation, that means should have been 
pursued to test the question. The use of the City Police 
to obtain violent possession of the office was not a legal 
means, but an outrage against the lav,^ 

" Mr Julian Neville was a candidate against me for the 
office of State Auditoi'. I was elected by a majority, I 
think, of nearly three to one. He was not a candidate on 
either of the tickets upon which Acting Governor Wells 
ran, but against them ; and it is saying nothing in dis- 
paragement of Mr. Neville, to characterize his appoint- 
ment as a pure John Tylerism on the part of the Acting 
Executive. 

" I make no vauntings of what I shall do, as time has 
not been affiarded me for legal consultation or advice un- 
der the circumstances. But I make this early statement 
of facts to a public Avho know me well, and will judge 



198 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

between me, a poor man, possessed of no means 
l)ut my legal riglits as a citizen and an officer, on 
the one liand, and the great defaulter of Rapides, whose 
name has stood on the Auditor's reports of the State for 
more than twenty years for $12, 678.67, with accumulated 
interests, now amounting to |28, 209.95 on the other. 
He has lately declared himself, on several occasions, to 
l)e worth his hundreds of thousands. With his great 
Ikcd river operations on the cotton mai'ket, and the 
means realized by his grand tax-sale proceedings, he may 
succeed in crushing me, so far as success in this usurpa- 
tion against me is concerned. But while my voice or 
my life do not fail me I shall not cease to vindicate my 
manhood or my rights as a citizen and a freeman. 

A. P. DOSTIE, 

State Auditor, 

It was the illegal despotic manner in which Dr. Dos- 
tie was removed from his office that made the hand of 
the tyrant visible, marking him the despot, aside from a 
desire to show his power. Governor Wells, in this un- 
just act, was influenced by personal animosity, and 
stooped from his high position to low acts of revenge. 
Dostie had pointed out his traitorous course, and exposed 
his dishonesty to the world. Not with a spirit of vin- 
dictiveness but with his characteristic fearlessness and 
contempt for treason and dishonesty. Governor Wells 
had l)etrayed the Union party, and had been proved a 
defaulter. The following letter was probably one of the 
causes of the removal of the Auditor of State by the 
Governor : 



GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED. 



199 



Auditor's Office, State of Louisiana, ) 
New Orleans, May 18, 1865. \ 
Hon. Chas. Leaumont, Judge of the Fifth District 
Court, New Orleans. 

''Bear Sir: I beo- leave to call your attention to sec- 
tion 1st pa-e 181, of the Revised Statutes of the State, 
Xh piSvkle thLt the Judges of the District Cours 
shall require the District Attorneys to proceed by rule 
for the removal from office after ten days notice ot any 
person holding office who shall at any time have been a 
defiiulter to the State. . ^ 

"iliV Excellency, J. Madison Wells, acting Governor 
of Louisiana became a defeulter to the State m 1840, in 
?he sum of |12,G80-as will be seen by the reports of the 
\uditor of Public Accounts for succeeding years, a proot 
of w Ich defalcation will be furnished on the day ol trial 
of the rule. Article 35 of the present Constitution the 
sanie as Article 28 of Constitution of 1852 and All- 
ele 30 of the Constitution of 1845, says as follows: No 
person who at any time may have been a collector of 
taxes, whether State, parish, or municipal, or who may 
have been otherwise entrustc.l with public "^oney shall 
he eli<nble to the General Assembly, or to any office of 
profit^or trust under the State Government, until he shall 
have obtained a discharge for the amount of such collec- 
tions, and for all public moneys with which he may have 
been entrusted.' . . , ,. 

" Your immediate attention to this important question 

is earnestly solicited. 

" Very respectfully, yours 
(Signed.) " A. P. DosTiE, Auditor." 

The personal indignities offered to the Auditor of 
State through the scurrilous remarks of the city press m 
sympathy with the Governor and his friends ; the criti- 
cisms upon his wardrobe and private letters, which were 
drao-o-ed through the streets of New Orleans by the 
toolTof the Chivalry of that city-the half column de- 



200 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

voted to remarks upon liis razor and toothbrush — the al- 
hision made to liis once having been a barber and a den- 
tist, with the suggestion tliat he liad better return to 
"his i^lebian accomplishments" wouki liave been some- 
what annoying to a mind less philosophical than that of 
Dostic's. 

Firmly defending his rights, until overpowered by his 
enemies, he yielded to despotic power, and hopefully 
looked to future events for the triumph of justice. 

On the 17th of June a mass-meeting was called, and 
the citizens of New Orleans assembled on Lafayette 
Square for the purpose of honoring Governor Wells, and 
upholding his administration. The following letter 
from one of the vice-Presidents of that meeting is in har- 
mony with the principles there expressed : 

New Orleaxs, June 18, 18G5. 
Hon. A. P. Field, Chairman : 

" Sir — I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt 
of your note, appointing me one of the Vice-Presidents at 
the Mass Meeting to-morroAV evening, to receive our 
Governor, Reluctant as I am to apj^ear amidst the hur- 
ly-burly of politics, I thank you for this honor and accept 
it. The man and the occasion demand an expression of 
opinion from the Conservatives of this beautiful State : 

"Where grows the orange, and pomegranate, and fairest of fruit, 
And the song of the nightingale never is mute." 

" We have beheld the pitiful spectacle of the successor 
of Chief Justice Marshall soiling liis ermine by making 
electioneering speeches — prostituting his almost sacred 
office as a political huckster — pandering to tlie most de- 
praved appetites to effect his unholy ambition ; placing 



GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED. 201 

the ignorant horde on a level with the intelligent. You, 
sir, as a former Secretary of State of Illinois, know what 
the poor African sufteretl, until very recently, there. 
That, so far from granting him the privileges of a voter, 
he was sold to the highest bidder. In New York, it re- 
quires double taxes and twice the time of residence, to 
enable the colored man to vote; yet these radicals would 
fain make voters of millions of men who could not read 
their ballot ! But such are the debris of civil war. Ad- 
dison truthfully puts into the mouth of Cato, and we are 
but repeating the history of all Republics : 

" When the kettle of sedition boils, 
The scum arises to the top." 

"Very respectfully, yours, &c., 

" S. F. Glenn." 

The following we quote from the address of Governor 
Wells, delivered on that occasion : 

" Not being myself a candidate for re-election to Gub- 
ernatorial honors, I hope I shall be acquitted of any at- 
tempt to favor party politics for political purposes. In 
regard to National affairs I have but little to say. The 
war that has but recently so happily ended, has left 
us almost Avithout resources and without government, 
and in our attempt to resume our relations with the 
General Government, we will have many obstacles to 
meet. A party unscrupulous and exacting will insist 
upon our utter humiliation as a means by Avhich we may 
learn to love our country better, and as the ultimatum 
for our return to the folds of the Union, but happily for 
us this party has lost much of its prestige. 

" It must be perceptible to every one, who is at all 
consistent with the political history of this country, that 



202 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE. 

tlic Radical Abolition party is broken up, disoro;anized, 
and demoralized, despite their apparent success during 
the present Avar. 

" Their .official corru])tion, unequaled by any party 
which has ever preceded or may ever succeed it, has 
rendered them obnoxious to the American people. 

" The heavy taxation which must necessarily follow to 
pay the enormous debt of this war, and which must con- 
tinue for the next half century, fixes an odium upon the 
party Avhich will outlive the party itself Then to whom 
are we to look for the healing of the National wounds? 
Is it not to those Avho have taken National Conservative 
grounds, and who have ever, during this war, advocated 
conservative principles — those principles advocated in 
past years by the old Whig party, and more recently, by 
the Conservatives of the Kepublican party, and of the 
Democracy, and under Avhose benign teachings we have 
grown and prospered as a nation ? 

" Our President, Andrew Johnson, has ever been a 
Conservative Democrat. In his hands is placed the des- 
tiny of this Nation, and from him Ave have nothing to 
fear, but CAerything to hope. I speak for his Adminis- 
tration one of the brightest pages in our history: and 
under his Administration, felloAA--eitizens, looking to him 
for protection, and taking his policy as our guide, must 
Ave organize our State Government. 

" Every eifort will be made by the Radical Abolition 
party to prevent the return of power to the Conservatives 
of the South, and all the elements of ojiposition Avill com- 
l)ine to prcAcnt their success, and one of their most for- 
midable anxiliaries, as they suppose, is to extend the ben- 
efit of suflfrage to that numerous class of persons recently 



GENERAL BAXKS DISPLACED. 203 

put in possession of their freedom. This has been too 
clearly fore-shaclowed by the political adventurers who 
haA'e come among us to have escaped your attention. 

" This, then, will be a question for your future action, 
and if, after having taken this continent from the red 
man, and holding it for more than a century, you have 
become so charitable as to give it to the black man, I 
can only submit, and bow to the will of the people." 

The following letter from the pen of J. Ad. Rozier, 
was read at the meeting : 

Neav Orleans, June 16, 1865. 
" Hon. A. P. Field, Chairman of Committee of Arrange- 
ments for the Reception of Governor Wells : 

" I embrace this occasion to say that I regard Avith no 
little concern, the strides made by Governor Wells in 
the right direction of maintaining the true principles of 
government. T take it lie means to follow in the foot- 
steps of President Johnson, with regard to the reorgan- 
ization of civil government in the State of North Caro- 
lina. Louisiana is as much entitled to self-government, 
subordinate to the Constitution of the United States, as 
North Carolina. 

" Governor Wells is giving us unmistakable evidence of 
his intention to purify the ballot-box, to rid himself and 
the country of so many obscure and fifteenth-rate men 
who have swarmed in the public offices ; to allow the 
good and the honest to be heard in the public councils ; 
to pui'ify the political atmosphere; to make the judiciary 
independent, in all cases, and not to reverse the decision 
of a duly constituted Judge in the Governor's Office, 
at the same time kicking the Judge out of office to the 
great scandal of the people. In a word, he is endeavor- 



204 LIFE OF A, r. DOSTIE. 

ing to restore the people of Louisiana, as liis friends as- 
sure us, to tlieir civil riglits. 

" If tliis be his programme, or that of any other man, I 
say, God speed him ! The country needs rejjose. Con- 
servatism Avill be tlic balm to all political wounds. Let 
us eschew all intemperate men ; let us detest the sangui- 
nary. 

" Radicals instil venom in the body politic ; they always 
have and always will. They cjuote Christianity, but act 
like heathens. 

" It is very evident that the masses of the Southern 
people are fast returning to their allegiance in a bona fide 
manner — they have gone to work to repair their fortunes, 
they recognize a great change as a fixed i'act — like the 
rest of their countrymen, their characteristic trait is law- 
abiding, promises will be held sacredly obligatory. The 
arts of peace Avill be cultivated by them. 

" Now, at the glorious close of this bloody civil war, let 
us imitate the Romans, Avho, in similiar circumstances, 
went into mourning for the precious lives lost. Let con- 
fiscations, and other pains and penalties, be blotted out 
of the statute book — let the era of good feeling return 
and be perpetual — let us not be Christians in name, but 
also in our hearts and our acts, toward our erring breth- 
ren. Very respectfully, 

"J. Ad. Rozier." 

The following resolutions were then read and adopted. 

1, Resolved, That we welcome among us again our 
distinguished fellow-citizen, J. Madison Wells, Governor 
of the State, and extend to him our thanks, cordial and 
heartfelt, for the interest he has manifested in the welfare 
of the people of the State, as exhibited by his recent 
hurried journey to the National capital, and by his 



GENEEAL BAKKS DISPLACED. 205 

action since his return, in removing from places of trust 
and power corrupt and venal officials, in the correction 
of abuses, in purifying the ballot — ihe only palladium of 
our liberties as a people — and in preparing the Avay by 
which the people of Louisiana can safely and harmoni- 
ously take part in the restoration of civil government, 
and return to their proper place in the councils of the 
nation. Yv^e pledge him our countenance and support in 
all his endeavors to restore to Louisiana a loyal and con- 
stitutional State Government. 

2. Resolved, That in the policy of Andrew Johnson, 
President of the United States, as exhibited in his ad- 
ministration, and especially in those great acts of his, 
the proclamation of amnesty and for the restoration of 
civil government in Virginia and North Carolina, and in 
his pledged support of a similar policy in Louisiana, we 
hail a return to peace and prosperity, and that good 
feeling Avhich should ever exist among citizens of a com- 
mon country, and to him we pledge our hearty and ac- 
tive support. 

It had been reported that Dr. Dostie would attempt to 
speak from the platform erected upon Lafayette Square 
on the night of Jiine 17th. An armed police force was 
ordered to be stationed around the stage and in different 
parts of the Square. 

Dostie was called upon to address the assembly, 
whereupon several policemen sprang from the side of 
Governor "Wells and seizing a number of peaceable citi- 
zens, conducted them to jail, and as there were two hun- 
dred policemen (faithful to the powers that ruled) within 
calling distance, resistance was useless. 

The following statement is from the pen of Wm. Baker, 
appointed Street Commissioner of New Orleans under 
the administration of General Sheridan, Military Com- 
mander of the Gulf Department : 



206 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

" To the Editor of the True Delta : 

" The conduct of the police attlic meeting on Lafayette 
Square on fSaturday CA'cning is a matter of general com- 
ment. It Aronld seem from their numbers that tlie 
meeting was held for their special benefit, for nearly all 
the police in the city Avere there. They behaved them- 
selves in a scandalous manner. Had the meeting been 
held in the capital of Austria or under any other des- 
potic government their conduct could not have been 
worse. I saw several citizens dragged oif and ordered 
to be locked up for expressing their opinion to their 
neighbors and acquaintances. In some cases one or two 
policemen were set to watch quiet and peaceable citi- 
zens with ordei's to arrest and lock them np if they 
dared to speak. Had they been known to be thieves or 
pickpockets they could not have been treated worse. 

" It may be pretended that they were disorderly or 
making a disturbance. It is not true. Of the five or 
six; whom I saw arrested not one was making any dis- 
turbance. One policeman went up and jjointed out a 
prominent citizen whom I saw standing a few feet from 
me, and told a policeman to arrest him if he opened his 
mouth. And this without any kind of an excuse. 

" If the police force is to be used to sujipress j^i^blic 
sentiment, as they were a short time ago used for politi- 
cal purposes at the ballot-box, the quicker we have a 
military government, jiure and simple, the better. Were 
the men at the head of our affairs elevated to j^ower to 
crush out the liberties of the people, prevent the free 
expression of opinion, and once more enslave both black 
and white? Are we to have the old thug rule — the 
brass knuckle, knife, jiistol and slung-shot ? 



GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED. 207 

" The talk Avhich I heard in the Square on Saturday 
evening about establishing laAV and order is a cheat. 
The very men Avho avc are told are going to do these 
most desirable things, give the lie to their flattering, 
fawning sycophants. Within the last two weeks we 
have had several instances. The forcible ejectment of 
the Auditor from his office, in violation of all law — the 
breaking open a safe — the expulsion of a man from his 
property and place of business, he having paid a license 
(and a large one at that) for the privilege, is an outrage, 
in violation of law, and if such acts can be committed 
by mere brute force, without hindrance, no man is safe." 

" It is time that this community ask itself Avhat man- 
ner of men we have among us ? And now, forsooth, 
men must go to public meetings and hold their tongues, 
by order of a set of hix'ed braves and ruffians, called 
policemen. Is it for this our ' erring brethren should be 
invited to participate in the management of our affairs ? " 

" \Ym. Baker." 

On the evening of the great demonstration in honor 
of Governor "VYells, Dr. Dostie walked to Lafayette 
Square with his friend, Alfred Shaw, Esq., stood in front 
of the platform, and listened attentively to the remarks 
of the Governor of Louisiana. He heard his party de- 
famed by that gentleman ; saw liberty disgraced by the 
police organizations ; the policy of Abraham Lincoln, 
and the Free State Government of his beloved Louisiana 
pointed at with derision and scorn, yet viewed it all 
with the heroic firmness and hopeful calmness of a true 
philosopher. He believed that the progress of corrupt 
nien would be impeded by the action of that man who 



208 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

as Governor of Tennessee liad declared that " Treason 
should be made odious." 

On that night Dostie was surrounded by enemies, who 
had decreed that he should perish politically ; that he 
should never succeed in bi;siness ; that he should finally 
be the victim of conspiracy. 

Surrounded by gloom and poverty ; struggling with a 
power destined to crush him, he was yet comparatively 
a happy man, such was his philosophy. A friend who 
called upon him a few days after his expulsion from his 
Auditor's office, was surprised to find him in excellent 
spirits. Upon denouncing Governor Wells, Dr. Dostie 
replied: " I don't think of Wells as my personal eneni}', 
I could take him by the hand to-day if he would reform 
in his principles. I care not for my own sufferings. 
What are they compared with many others ? " 

Taking the Life of Governor BrownloAV from the table, 
he said, " I have just been reading of Brownlow's sufter- 
ings, caused by rebel rule. I look into the future, bright 
with hopes. Events point to victory, peace and unity. 
Man may decree, but there is a Ruler of events whose 
divine laws conflict with injustice and oppression. Tliat 
Infinite power rules the nations of tlie earth." Such 
was the heroic, unselfish philosophy of Dr. Dostie. 



DOSTIE's confidence IX JOHNSON. 209 



CHAPTER XXI. 

DOSTIe's confidence in JOHNSON. 

The eighty-ninth anniversary of our Independence was 
an event in -which thousands of emancipated human 
beings desired to participate with lieartfelt gratitude. 
The committee appointed by the constituted authorities 
of the city of Xew Orleans resolved to celebrate the 
day. That committee Avas principally composed of citi- 
zens who had been in league with the rebellion and 
slavery. The Republican party Avas almost entirely ex- 
cluded from acting with that committee in making ar- 
rangements to celebrate our day of Independence. The 
speaker chosen to deliver an oration upon the occasion 
was an ex-colonel of the Confederate army, who had 
never avowed his conversion to the principles of republi- 
can liberty. 

Dostie and his radical brethren decided to draw up 
another programme, in which they invited the true 
friends of loyalty and independence to participate in the 
great national jubilee of Freedom which the 4th of July, 
1865, was to the Emancipated of the South. The annexed, 
is the announcement of that celebration : 

celebration of the fourth of JULY. 

At a meeting of the National Republican Association, 
held on Friday evening, June 30th, it was unanimously 



210 LIFE OF A. P. POSTIE. 

resolved tliat tlie followino- eoininittee be appointed and 
announced to provide for a celebration of the coniinr^ 
4th of July, at such ])lacc as shall be hereafter an- 
nounced : 

Genend Committee. — Dr. A. P. Dostie, Rufus Waples, 
James Graham, Judj^e PI Iliestand, Ed. Heath, Rev. 
Dr. J. P. Newman, W. II. Pearne, Dr. W. H. Hire, 
Judge II. C. Warmoth, Jos. T. Tatum, Jno. Purcell, 
Tho. :M. CouAvay, S. Wrotnowski, B. R. Plumley, Danl. 
Christie, X. W. Travis, Geo. 8. Dennison. 

All Civic and Benevolent Associations, officers and 
men of the Army and Navy, teachers and pupils of the 
Public Schools, and the public generally, are cordially 
invited to participate in this celebration. 

Seats will be provided for ladies. 

A. P. Dostie, President. 

Jos. T. Tatum, Secretary. 

The Custom House was chosen by the Republican 
Committee, as an appropriate place in Avhich to cele- 
brate the joyful Anniversary of American Independence. 
The Custom House of New Orleans is a historical place. 
It was i:i that building that the United States troops 
under (ioueral Butler shielded slaves from their cruel 
masters ! 

On the 4th of July, 1865, those same slaves made the 
walls of the old Custom House ring Avith shouts of free- 
dom. General Banks was the orator of tlie day. In his 
able address, he argued that " those Avho had been in rebel- 
lion could not safely be permitted to assume the politi- 
cal rights they had abdicated ; that the emancipated 
were entitled to enfranchisement, and for the public 
good should enjoy their rights ; and that tlie policy of 
President Lincoln embraced that event." 

The loyal people of the South — surrounded by a dan- 
gerous foe, naturally looked to the successor of Presi- 



DOSTIE S CONFIDENCK IX JOIIXSOX. 211 

dent Lincoln for protection. They reposed all confi- 
dence in his Exeentivc power, and looked npon the 
anarchy and disorder around them as a natural result of 
the great Revolution, not suspecting the workings of his 
hidden policy. With dismay they witnessed the high- 
handed acts of disloyal men in high positions, but, with 
faith and hope, waited with patience for the President to 
form his policy, believing that his firm loyalty and his 
avowed aversion of traitors Avhen Governor of Tennes- 
see, would be embodied in his executive plans for a just 
reconstruction which they vainly hoped would bring peace 
and unity out of chaos. Never did a people trust to 
human power with more perfect confidence than did the 
loyal masses of the South trust Andrew Johnson, never 
were a jjeople more cruelly deceived. 

Had the policy of the President been boldly an- 
nounced, sufferings, oppressions, and mental agonies might 
have been avoided ! Loyal men might have escaped the 
clutches of tyrants and murderers. Conspiracy, rebel- 
lion and treason are best conceived in secrecy. The 
policy of Andrew Johnson in liis restoration measures 
and movevents was a combination of the above ele- 
ments, and for a time he moved on in his j^lans, so 
secretly that the most scrutinizing did not discover the 
lurking venom of " ]\Iy Policy," Said General Butler in 
a speech delivered in New York, " I am glad to say to 
you Avhat I know to be the sentiment of the President 
who has succeeded Abraham Lincoln by the disjiensa- 
tion of Providence to the highest place on earth — I 
know that Andrew Johnson feels as you and I do upon 
the subject of the rebellion. lie has had a nearer view 
of it than we have, and is able to deal with it as we 



212 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

would have it dealt Avitli." Said General Banks, in 
New Orleans, July 4th, 18G5, "Give to President John- 
son your firm and united support, I know he is worthy 
your confidence." Said Senator Wade in Ohio, " There 
is not a man in the Nation I would sooner trust than 
President Johnson." The loyal multitude throughout 
the land, white and black, turned from the grave of 
their beloved Lincoln to support his successor in the 
great work of restoration, upon the basis of freedom 
and loyalty. Union men of pre-eminent standing and 
patriotic record who had studied and admired the acts 
and sayings of Governor Johnson, of Tennessee, were 
the last to discover the true policy of President Johnson. 
Dr. Dostie Avas the last prominent Unionist of New 
Orleans to avow his belief that Andrew Johnson was the 
" Judas of the Republican Party." He continued his 
prayer " God bless Andrew Johnson," after his depart- 
ure from Nashville, Tennessee, until that jDoint in national 
aifairs when no true loyal man could longer conceal from 
his mental vision the fact, that the President of the 
United States sustained traitors, in their tyranny over 
the loyal citizens of the South. In proj^ortion as power 
was snatched from loyal men, by the opposers of the 
United States Government, it passed into the hands of 
the rebel element, to be used as an instrument to destroy 
republican principles. Those who had crouched by the 
ruins of slavery, silently lying beneath the black pall of 
treason, thi-oughout the Administration of President 
Lincoln, formed a coalition with the working rebels who 
had fought the battles of secession, and suddeidy ap- 
peared under the political leaders of the Rebellion, to 
plot afresh, the destruction of the Republic. The Union 



DOSTIE S CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 213 

Liberty loving men of the South, who had been the 
standard bearers of their Cause in the conflict between 
Slavery and Liberty, between republican principles and 
aristocratic desj^otism, were the recipients of all indigni- 
ties. The true character and plans of Andrew Johnson, 
Avere known and read to liis kindred spirits, the ancient 
slaveocracy of the South. Men whose political life was 
conceived in the Black Code and similar documents, 
were appointed judges of the Courts, SheriiFs of the 
Parishes, and permitted to fill all the important oftices, 
throughout the rebel States. 

The provisional Governors of the Seceded States 
were, most of them, in harmony Avith the hidden policy, 
the working of which soon became visible. No justice 
could be obtained in the courts by loyal men. If Gov- 
ernors were appealed to for justice the persecuted were ad- 
vised to look to the President for redress. An appeal to 
the Chief Executive from a persecuted loyalist was quick- 
ly referred to the civil authorities of the reconstructed 
States. Loyal men were restricted in business, and made 
to feel in every Avay that their noble j^rincij^les were no 
passport to success, that the government under Avhich 
they lived was no longer a protection to their persons 
lives or property. Unionism and loyalty Avere at a dis- 
count; rebellion and treason Avere more popular in 1865 
-66 than in 1860-61. 

The cause of the Avar Avas the conflict between the an- 
tagonistic elements of liberty and slavery. It ended 
Avhen four millions of slaves Avere liberated. The next 
question Avas Avhat are the rights of the emancipated ? 
The true friends of the freedman from one end of the 
land to the other exclaimed, " let them have the rights 



214 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

of citizens ; let them claim the rights of suffrage : " 
Philanthropists who had spent their lives in advocat- 
ing freedom from tyranny, were the first to interest 
themselves in the physical, moral, intellectual, and po- 
litical rights of the freedmen. Dostie formed one, and 
that too a conspicuous link in the chain which binds 
together the friends of equal rights in this age of reform. 
Said he, " Freedom in the United States entitles white 
and black men alike to the rights of a citizen, and to the 
constitutional privileges of all Americans." His views 
upon negro suffrage made him as obnoxious to the slave- 
ocracy in Louisiana in 1866 as his views of secession 
had made him in 1860 to the disloyal. His views upon 
that subject Avere in harmony with those of Lincoln, 
Chase, Stevens, and Lovejoy. The following letter to 
Governor Hahn he often quoted, as indicating his own 
views, sometimes adding, "they are not quite as radical 
as mine.'' 

Washington, D. C, March 14, 1864. 

" My dear Governor — I have just been reading with 
great satisfaction a brief notice of your inaugural and 
the address you made on the occasion. I am very glad 
that you propose to make clean Avork of slavery. 

" Will you allow me to suggest one thing more ? We 
can not go to the bottom where the granite is, in order 
to build without giving the elective franchise to the ne- 
gro. I am satisfied that if Ave stop short of that, it Avill 
be found that our house is built i;pon the sand, and Avhen 
the floods come, and the Avinds bloAV, and the rains de- 
scend, it Avill fall, and great Avill be the fall thei'eof The 
sense of justice which has been aAvakened in the nation 
by the rebellion Avill not rest satisfied to have forgiven 



DOSTIe's CONFIDEXCE IX JOIIXSON". 215 

rebels who have fouglit to overtlirow the government, 
and drive away loyal black soldiers who have fought to 
sustain it. It is not necessary at first that all should 
vote. You can allow those who can read and write to 
vote ; or you can alloAV black soldiers to vote. The 
privilege of voting given to the latter class, to wit : the 
soldiers, would commend itself, I think, to the whole na- 
tion. You may think that this is owing to my over- 
weening anxiety for the blacks, but it is not that alone, 
nor chiefly. I am satisfied that Providence will not let 
us settle this question until we settle it on the founda- 
tion of equal and exact justice to all, in accordance with 
the principles of the Declaration of Independence and 
of the Constitution, Avhich know nothing of black or 
white, rich or poor, but regard t^ie riglits of men, as 
such, as sacred. 

" I was much gratified the other day in a conversation 
with the President to find that his views on this subject 
accord with my own. lie does not feel that he can re- 
quire this, as a delegation requested liim to do. Still he 
desires it to be done by the action of the people them- 
selves. 

"If Louisiana takes the lead I think all the other 
States will follow, and then we shall have settled this 
question on dei^p and broad foundations, against which 
the gates of hell cannot prevail. The number of those 
Avho are at first admitted to the privilege of the elective 
franchise does not to me seem essential, for if you let 
any i^ortion of the colored people vote the rest will follow 
in time. 

"I had a conversation with Governor Johnson, of 
Tennessee, on this subject. He feels right, personally, 



216 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

"but is a little timid as to tlie public sentiment. I do 
hope you will see your way clear to take the lead in this 
matter. You will thus not only do a good thing for 
your country, but immortalize your name, for I am satis- 
fied the nation will grow to this, if it has not already 
reached it. 

" Excuse me for having intruded my views upon your 
attention. The brief but pleasant acquaintance I had 
with you has encouraged me to do it. 

Very truly yours, 

" Oavex Lovejoy." 
" Governor Michael Hahx, Kew Orleans." 
In September, 1865, Dr. Dostie determined to go to 
Washington and consult with President Lt««©l<n,believing 
he had been misinformed as to the true state of jiolitical 
affairs in Louisiana. His radical friends were anxious 
that their interests should be represented at the Execu- 
tive Mansion. Like Lovejoy, Major Stearnc, and hun- 
dreds of others, Mr. Johnson succeeded in deceiving 
Dostie, in conversation with him, as to his real antagon- 
ism to the vital interests of all Southern loyalists. 
Strengthened in his confidence in the integrity and hon- 
esty of the President, whose policy at that time Avas to 
conciliate radicals, conservatives, copperheads, rebels 
and traitors, Dostie writes from Wasliington: "I am 
convinced in my interview with the President that his 
loyal sentiments will never allow him to seriously con- 
flict with the policy of the martyred Lincoln. He has 
been misled, but will, I am confident, retrace his steps. 
I think Ave may safely trust the Administration." After 
spending several weeks with his aged mother (whom he 
visited for the last time), his brothers and sisters, he re- 



DOSTIe's confidence in JOHNSON. 217 

turned to New Orleans, hopeful of the future, and confi- 
dent of the success of the cause he chei'ished. Soon 
after his arrival Dr. Dostie delivered the foUoAving ad- 
dress, which was denounced by the Press of New Or- 
leans as an " incendiary speech," the author of it being 
styled " an insulting advocate of Negro Suffrage." 

"Fellow-Citizens — The friends of the Union and 
Liberty, in reviewing the events that have convulsed 
our Republic for the past four years, rejoice in the glo- 
rious fact that the most gigantic rebellion upon record 
has been crushed — that the " Confederate States of 
America" are but an idea of the past. To-day the flag 
of the United States waves over this vast country, pro- 
claiming the blessings of freedom to every man of what- 
soever race or color. Emblazoned upon its ample folds 
is the motto — Xo North, no South, no East, no West — 
the United States of America, one and indivisible. The 
leading traitors of the nation — the Davises and Brecken- 
ridges — with many of lesser stamp, now languish in 
prisons, awaiting trial and condemnation, or are fugi- 
tives from the justice of a people they have clothed in 
the habiliments of mourning, and who have doomed 
them to infamy, as the murderers of their fathers, sons 
and brothers. To-day, fellow-citizens, the nation is 
sovereign. The Constitution, Laws and Government 
command treason to be silent that Justice and Liberty 
may reconstruct the Republic upon a basis that shall 
forever exclude slavery, and establish universal Justice. 

" The friends of emancipation and of equal rights 
look triumphantly upon the overthrow of that infamous 
system which was enveloping, with its anaconda folds, 
our republican structure, and undermining by its isubtle 



218 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

poison the noblest of governments, that it might build 
upon its ruins an oligarchial despotism. We are now a 
nation of freemen. We claim that the people are the 
legitimate source of power. They command the ene- 
mies of liberty to cease their infernal work. 

" The rebellion, which has baptized our country in 
blood, and caused hundreds of thousands to seal with 
their lives their devotion to liberty, has resulted in the 
liberation of four millions of human beings. It was a war 
of principles — of principles that, Avhen once fairly in- 
augurated, must result in a full development of the re- 
publican elements which lie at the foundation of our 
Government. 

" The progressive spirit of the age sternly demanded 
that the despotism, Avhich the aristocracy of the South 
arrogated over the poor man, should cease. That the 
oppressed should have full privilege to enjoy the inesti- 
mable blessings of " life, liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness." But that the lingering aristocrats of the 
land seek to withhold these from the masses, Ave have 
ample evidence. What mean these late convulsive 
movements of the enemies of Democratic Repiiblican 
liberty throughout the tSouth ? Why have they com- 
bined with the Copperheads of the North to overthrow 
the great Avork the friends of republican institutions 
liaA'e accomplished in four years ? 

" Do Ave not discover in their attempts the machina- 
tions of a relentless, hydra-headed aristocracy repudiat- 
ing still the immortal truths " that all men are equally 
free and independent ; ' that ' GoA'crnment is instituted 
for the benefit, protection and security of the people ; 
that no free Government, or the blessings of liberty, can 



DOSTIe's COXFIDENCE in JOHNSON. 219 

be preserved to any people, but by a firm adherence to 
justice, moderation and virtue ?' 

" Why do the Legislatures of the rebellious States so 
persistently refuse to recognize the fact that slavery has 
ceased to exist in our country ? Alas ! are not the men 
who compose these bodies, and who have met to make 
laws, the very men who have for the last four years been 
imbruing their guilty hands in the blood of our he- 
roes ? Have not they murdered these noble men that 
slavery might become the corner stone of their pur- 
posed despotism ? Can we trust these men to give to 
freemen their rights ? Patriots and statesmen, distin- 
guished for their love of the Union and all who truly 
love their country, exclaim against the outrage of hav- 
ing such rulers. 

" We are told by the Democratic party that this is 
President Johnson's policy. I do not believe that Presi- 
dent Johnson intends to j^lace traitors in power. I have 
had the honor of several interviews with him, and I 
was impressed by the conviction that he is a true patriot, 
an honest man and able statesman. I do not believe 
it will ever be Andrew Johnson's policy to place politi- 
cal power in the hands of men who have labored to 
destroy the most beneficent of Governments. His past 
acts and words have ever been in direct antagonism to 
this suicidal policy. At Nashville, as Governor of Ten- 
nessee, he says : ' I, Andrew Johnson, hereby proclaim 
liberty, full, broad and unconditional liberty — to every 
man in Tennessee. Rebellion shall no more pollute our 
State, Loyal men, whether black or white, shall govern 
the State.' Again as President of the United States he 
says : ' In adjusting and putting the Government on its 



220 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

legs again, I think the progress of the work must be 
put into the hands of its friends. If a State is to he 
nursed until it gets strength, it must be nursed by its 
friends, not smothered by its enemies.' 

" The great prol)lem of reeonstruction before the 
American people is noAV being solved by a Rejjublican 
Congress, Avitli -which the President is in accord. There 
is no worthy basis for the Government of States but 
that basis which contains the elements of justice and 
equal rights. The corner stone of all republican govern- 
ments must be the self-evident truths, that 'all men are 
created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator 
with inalienable rights ; that among these are life, lib- 
erty, and the pursuit of happiness.' Shall the eleven 
rebellious States, which have declai-ed these immortal 
declarations to be contrary to their policy of govern- 
ment, be allowed to send their representatives to Con- 
gress until they abandon their political heresies, as they 
have the field ? Does not the dignity of the nation 
demand this ? Docs not Freedom itself demand that 
none shall be sent to our National Legislature to repre- 
sent the vital interests of these States, but those Avho 
have been steadfast, devoted upholders of the Union, 
when the life of the nation Avas assailed ? If this policy 
is not adopted and enforced we shall have treason again 
in our Congressional halls, and a new set of Davises, 
Breckenridges and Slidells will seek to seize the reins of 
Government and renew their war upon loyal men and 
upon the Union, 

" Heaven grant our Republic may never again be 
summoned to meet rebellion, begun by Senators, Legis- 
lators and Governors — that Liberty and Civilization 



DOSTIE'.S CONFIDEXCE IX JOIIXSOX, 221 

shall be draped in mourning by traitors ; men, who, 
liaving taken a solemn oath to maintain the Govern- 
ment, betray it, and thrust their SAVords of treason into 
the vitals of the nation ! In the name of God, let our 
Congressional and our Legislative halls be purified from 
the taint of treason ! We cannot trust men to make 
laws for our State and for the nation, who by their 
traitorous acts, have disfranchised themselves — have for- 
feited their right to vote or to hold office under the 
National or State Governments. Let them remain dis- 
franchised until the evidence of their repentance is per- 
fect. If this policy is not pursued, the peace and unity 
of this country Avill be constantly imperilled. 

"President Johnson has again and again declared 
that none but loyal men had a right to rule the country. 
"While Governor of Tennessee he said : ' But in calling a 
Convention to restore the State, who shall restore and 
establish it ? Shall the man who gave his means and 
influence to destroy the Government ? Is he to partici- 
pate in the great Avork of reorganization ? Shall he who 
brought this misery upon the State be permitted to con- 
trol its destinies ?' Again he says : ' Why all this blood 
and carnage ? It was that ti'eason might be put down 
and traitors punished ; therefore I say, tluit traitors 
should take a hack seat in the work of restoration. If 
there should be but five thousand men loyal to the Con- 
stitution, loyal to justice, these true and faithful men 
shall control the Avork of reorganization and reforma- 
tion absolutely.' 

" These are Avords Avorthy a Democratic Republican 
President, and Ave have reason to belicA'c that our truly 
Republican Congress Avill sustain tliese noble sentiments. 



222 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE. 

Then Avill treason be made odious, and genuine loyalty 
and xmimpeacluible integrity be rewarded. Our Re- 
public Avill no longer be in danger of being buried 
beneath the j)owers of despotism. Treason will no 
longer threaten the peace, harmony and unity of the 
nation. Anarchy, convulsion and conflict will be among 
the tilings of the past. 

" CiTiZK.vs : — In this work of reconstruction, let us 
eaniestly labor with the patriots cf our country to 
establish the principles of universal justice and impartial 
freedom. That in the reorganization, equity shall pre- 
vail. That there shall be no repudiation of just debts, 
and no recognition of the debts of rebels ; no slavery — 
nothing but justice. 

" Should men Avho made the rebellion be permitted to 
possess the power they seek, and succeed -with the Cop- 
perheads of the North in their conspiracies, wc may, 
indeed, fear for the precious boon of Liberty. "We want 
no rebel party in disguise. We must not imjjeril our 
glorious heritage by a misjudged magnanimity towards 
even the remains of an insolent aristocracy. This class 
arc still contumacious rebels, and, as such, arc not wor- 
thy of confidence. They must suftcr the ignominy due 
their crimes, and receive their just punishment that 
worketh repentance. 

" Long years these traitors have plotted the destruc- 
tion of our Government — of the Constitution — of Lib- 
erty. Let us hope and pray that in this great work of 
the reconstruction of States this Union may be based 
upon the National recognition of all men's inalienable 
rights, and that nothing may be endangered by precipi- 
tancy. As Mr. Colfax has said, ' Let the work make 



DOSTIE S CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 223 

haste slowly,' and we can then hope that the foundation 
of onr Government, when reconstructed on the basis of 
indisputable loyalty and freedom, will be as ' eternal as 
the stars.' 

" Freedom is the watchword of this age of progress. 
The decree has gone forth that Liberty shall rule su- 
preme in this Republic and throughout the world. The 
words of our martyred Lincoln were prophetic : ' This 
nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, 
and government of the people by the people and for the 
people, and shall not perish from the earth.' 

"Li my opinion, before this work of restoration can 
be fully consummated, this Government must recognize 
and secure the equal political, as well as religious, civ'l, 
and moral rights of men. 

" My Friends, On the question of universal sufiVage 
I feel as did Gadsden, of South Carolina, in reference to 
the Stamp Act of 17G5, when lie exclaimed: 'We stand 
upon the broad, common ground of those natural rights 
Avhich we feel and know as men,' The two elements 
noAV at Avork in our land are striving, the one to perpetu- 
ate Freedom, the other to destroy the power which jus- 
tice seeks to give man. Whence arises this bitter 
antagonism to the free, unconditional and equal rights 
of the oppressed? Are these rights not denounced 
most fiercely by the infamous instigators of the rebel- , 
lion — tlie aristocratic conspirators of this country, who 
have declared, by Avords and l)y war, that power was 
more potent than right — and oppression than equity? 
The four millions of human beings made free durino- the 
past four years are not recognized as freedmen by their 
former masters. Their rights are not respected by them. 



224 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

The terrible events of tlie past four years have not 
opened tlieir eyes to sight in this matter. They will not 
look upon truths which are in accordance with the laws 
of God and republican principles. Who were the loyal 
and steadfast friends of the best of (lovernments in her 
hour of peril ? Who came forward by hundreds oi 
thousands at the call of Abraham Lincoln, and fought 
with a courage unsurpassed by the bravest soldiers, 
lielping the nation in the darkest hour of danger to turn 
the tide of battle, and win the precious victory that 
made safe the Repuldic ? O friends ! let \is be just, and 
labor to extend to this portion of our fellow-citizens 
those rights the God of Nature has bequeathed in com- 
mon — the right of self-government — of representation — 
of the ballot — for until these rights are given we cannot 
become fully a nation of freemen. Refuse the just de- 
mands of a brave and loyal jieople, and internecine war, 
discord, sectional and national strife Avill re-appear, in 
some form, A\ith their blighting effects upon the country. 
It is said by the enemies of negro suffrage that this 
people are uneducated in the science of government, and 
therefore unfit for the right of suffi-age. Have they not 
already proved to the Avorld their capacity to appreciate 
all the truths necessary to be understood by the loyal 
citizens of the United States, in order to maintain the 
rights of freemen ? Do we not find them as anxious for 
* the acquisition of knowledge as the white race ? Con- 
template some of the developments of freedom to this 
race. Go into the schools of the freedmen in this State, 
established by this munificent Government, Avhcre up- 
wards of twenty thousand colored people are being edu- 
cated. See with Avhat avidity they apply themselves to 



DOSTIE S CONFIDENCE IX JOHNSON. 225 

the various branches of knowledge. Examine tliem in 
the progress of their various studies. Tlien, eastino- 
aside all prejudice of color, tell us if they have not capa- 
city to understand and appreciate the principles Avhich 
lie at the foundation of a truly Republican government. 

The loyal heart of the nation is fully aroused to the 
importance of educating the race morally, intellectually, 
civilly, and politically. The great defender of human 
liberty, Abraham Lincoln, says in a letter to Governor 
Ilahn, " I congratulate you on having fixed your name in 
history as the first Free State Governor of Louisiana. Now, 
as you are about to have a Convention, which, among 
other things, will possibly define the elective franchise, I 
barely suggest to you whether some of the colored peo- 
ple may not be let in, as, for instance, the intelligent, and 
especially those Avho have fought gallantly in our ranks. 
They would probably helj) in some trying time to keep 
the jewel of 'liberty in the family of Freedom." 

President Johnson said on this question of negro suf- 
frage, " Were I in Tennessee, I would inti-oduce negro 
suffrage, gradually, first to those who had served in the 
army, those Avho could read and write, and perhaps a 
qualification to others." 

The voices of patriots all over the land are proclaiming 
that freedom and the right of suftVage are inseparable. 
It has become a historical fact that stands out boldly 
upon American records that the black men of this coun- 
try have vindicated this Government, and "cemented its 
foundation stones with their blood." Shall we then re- 
fuse them support to maintain the laws ? Can we say, 
in justice, they shall not become citizens ? The voice of 
liberty in thunder tones which shakes despotisms and 



226 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

make 'oppressors tremble, says, "Freedom means univer- 
sal rights, universal justice." That voice has been always 
speaking, not only in our own country, but through the 
patriots, statesmen, poets, and philanthropists of other 
nations. England has proclaimed universal liberty and 
human rights, through her Wilberforce, her Locke, her 
Pitt, her Shakspeare, and her Milton. Ii-eland, through 
her O'Connell, her Father MathcAV, and her Curran, 
speaks loudly for the precious boon of liberty. Gennany 
— freedom-loving Germany — sends forth her sweetest 
notes of freedom through her Schiller, Luther, and Hum- 
boldt. France breathed the pure, immortal flame of lib- 
erty from the fires which burst from the noble heart of 
Lafayette, whose pulse throbbed with that of our own 
Washington, as they struggled together for human rights. 
Italy boasts of her Garibaldi — thousands of voices chant 
the strains of liberty at the mention of that name associ- 
ated forever with freedom. 

In our own beloved land, the combined voices of 
millions may be heard speaking for universal freedom, 
universal justice. Through our martyred Lincoln, our 
living Johnson, our Banks, our Butler, and hundreds of 
others we speak. Louisiana has her Durant, her Hahn, 
and many others who are raising their voices in favor of 
humanity and universal suffrage. 

Can the sneers and scoffs of the enemies of freedom — 
the hiss of Copperheads, or the combined powers of any 
despotism silence this voice? Never? Ideas do not 
travel backwards. This voice of Freedom is now aAvake- 
ning those Avho have been fighting in the ranks of treason 
and rebellion. The Stephenses, Bells and Reagans of 
the "so-called Confederacy" — have recently had the 



DOSTIE's confidence in JOHNSON. 227 

penetration to discover " the trutli," that freedom poin- 
ted to the right of suffrage. Who knows but we may- 
live to see the rebels Avho have gone to Brazil, in the 
hopes of finding slavery, return with the conviction that 
equal rights, republicanism and democracy are better 
than slavery and oppression. 

God has given human beings reason and energy, and 
man has no right to chain that reason and energy by 
oppressive laws, or in any way prevent the exercise of 
those rights, Avhich in equity belong to all. Kossuth, in 
reviewing the rights of man, exclaims, " Liberty is Lib- 
erty, as God is God." 

The adoption of the constitutional amendment has ex- 
tirpated slavery from our country. God grant that all 
things pertaining to its unjust laws, or to its spirit may 
also be extirpated. The rebel Legislature have recently 
made laws in direct opposition to the Constitutional 
amendment, which reads : " Neither slavery nor involun- 
tary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, Avhereof 
the party has been duly convicted, shall exist within the 
United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." 

These Legislatures also, true to their slaveocratic in- 
stincts, ignore by their acts the self-evident truth that 
man has an inherent right to enjoy civil, religious and 
political liberty. 

There is not on earth a Republic but this that legis- 
lates the rights of man away. No nation but this dis- 
franchises freedmen because of their color or race. In 
slaveholding Brazil they do not go so far as do the ene- 
mies of negro suftVage in this country. In Brazil, freed- 
men, regardless of color, are equal before the laAV, and 
eligible to any oflace. In the British West Indies, the 



228 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

blacks "were sent to the Republican Chamber of Depu- 
ties, as representatives. And yet, in Avhat nation, Ave 
ask, have tliey fought for liberty as they have in our 
Revolutionary war, in the Avar of 1812, and in our recent 
great struggle for freedom? 

In regard to political rights, we do not as a nation 
,v~ stand on tlie same broad basis as did our revolutionary 
'^^ fathers. Washington, Jefterson, Hancock, and Hamilton, 
went to tlie polls and deposited their ballots Av^here the 
negroes did theirs. Tliese reA'olutionary patriots advo- 
cated the cause of equal rights, and maintained the rights 
of all freedmen to the ballot box. The black man A'oted 
under Washington's, Adams,' Madison's, and Jackson's 
administrations. 

In five of the New England States they have been 
voting ever since the revolutionary Avar. In Pennsyl- 
vania they continued to vote until 1838. In Maryland 
and Virginia they voted until 1832. In ISTcav Jersey 
until 1839; and in North Carolinia and Tennessee until 
1835. 

Negroes, after fighting in New Orleans under Jackson, 
helped to elect the hero to Congress. 

"The black people of this country haA^e been ardcntl\' 
and universally loyal, and ever ready to fight against 
the anti-democratic and anti-re]niblican principles Avhicli 
despots haA'e sought to establish in this Republic. They 
are Americans by birth, and loA'e freedom Avith an un- 
dying love Avhich they instinctively knoAV is destined for 
all Americans. 

" At NcAV Orleans, Mobile, and other cities, hoAV did 
they spend the fourth of July, 1865? Was not Ameri- 
can freedom honored by them ? Was not the memory 



DOSTIe's COJfFIDENCE IN' JOHNSON. 229 

of Abraham Lincoln glorified by this grateful people ? 
On that day the black men of this nation proved them- 
selves worthy to assist in carrying out the principles in- 
culcated by the Declaration of Independence. They 
proved on that day the right to demand the same free- 
dom the white man claims. 

" The negro wants no protection but just and equitable 
laws. He only asks, in the spirit of IVVC, to be en- 
franchised from the thraldom of oppression. He knows 
as well as we do that distinctions growing out of color or 
race are incompatible w^ith justice. This is an age of 
progress not only for the w^hite man, but for the black 
man. 

" The black man i:^ becoming intelligent, and looks 
upon the enemies of liberty just as the intelligent wdiitc 
man looks upon slavery, serfdom, vagrant acts, oppres- 
sions and wrongs, as all just men do. He knows that 
the nation imperatively demands equal rights and jus- 
tice, and he believes, with us, that this demand will be 
satisfied. He exclaims with the friends of equal rights, 
' Let there be freedom for all, education for all, labor for 
all ! ' Justice demands this, and nothing else will be 
satisfactory. 

" We want no more Opelousas ordinance, which pro- 
hibits freedmen from coming to town wathout special 
permission : which prohibits them liberty on the streets 
after ten o'clock at night ; which declares that freemen 
shall not reside within the limits of the town, unless 
they be in the regular service of some white person or 
former master ; which refuses freemen the right to hold 
public meetings, to preach, or to carry arms ; which re- 
fuses them the liberty to barter, or to sell goods, without 



230 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

the special permission of their employers, under the pen- 
alty of imprisonments, fines or hard labor on the public 
roads. Neitlier must tliese persistent slaveocrats be per- 
mitted to put into operation those infamous laws enacted 
in the rebel Democratic Legislature of 18G5, Avliicli force 
freedmen to contract away their labor and submit tliem- 
selves to slavery under new names. 

" "VVe want no negro vagrant laws, no more jail fees, 
highest bidder, rendition of poor and indigent persons of 
color! no more reminders of the block, the ball chain, 
the ' nigger dogs ' the fugitive slave laws and the slave 
gangs of the past. 

"Let this people alone to enjoy the same protection 
we arc entitled to claim. Let this people with the aid 
of justice and liberty, work out tlieir own destiny. If 
they will not Avork, let them starve; but give them 
an equal chance with us in the struggle of life. 

" When the slave oligarchy ruled in the plenitude of its 
power, the rights of the laboring classes were trampled 
under foot. Free labor was reduced to the level of slave 
labor. This shall be no more. The fiat has gone forth that 
labor shall not be subjected to a domineering, unscrupu- 
lous aristocracy. A new era has dawned upon this coun- 
try. Labor in the future will be respectable and digni- 
fied, and command the best portion of the fruit it pro- 
duces. 

" The L^nion party of Louisiana has labored earnestly 
and faithfully to wipe out the disgraceful laws of this 
State, that she might become one of the brilliant lights 
of the nation. Abraham Lincoln was the prime mover 
in this work of reformation. His sympathies were ever 
with Republican movements. His voice, which can never 



DOSTIE's CONFIDEXCE IX JOIIXSON. 231 

be lost to this nation, was heard on the eve of his depar- 
ture from earth, declaring his sympathy with the Consti- 
tution of 1864, which ignored the Black Code of this 
State, abolished slavery and the laws which governed it 
from her statute books. 

"My Friexds, The Republican party of Louisiana — 
counting white men only — ai-e in a minority in this State. 
A Rebel Democratic party, composed of domineering 
aristocrats, who one year ago were fighting against re- 
publican liberty, and who to-day are seeking to crush 
loyal men, both white and black, by a renewed tyranny, 
continue their Satanic oppressions and wrongs, Avhile they 
attempt to draw the veil of hypoci-isy over their damnable 
conspiracies. 

"The National Republican party, to which all loyal men 
in the South belong, seeks to establish liberty and justice 
throughout the land. For the past four years it has 
been working for freedom and equal rights, against slave- 
ry and oppression ; against that slaveocratic power which 
liates with undying hate, free schools, a free press, free 
speech, and all that pertains to that freedom a just God 
designs for this mighty Republic. 

" We are called upon to battle with these rebellious 
tyrants. In that work, my friends, we must be united. 
Our beloved Louisiana is in imminent danger from the 
deadly foes of freedom. Let us who love the Union and 
liberty, forget past differences, and combine to fight the 
oppressors who threaten to crush out the loyal clement 
of this State. Shall we not with our President say: 
' Let us be united, I know there are but two parties 
now — one for the country and the other against it ; and 
I am for my country.' While we embrace this noble 



232 LIFE OF A. V. DOSTIK. 

sentiment, let iis inscribe upon our lJc))ubli('an banner 
the motto: Union, Justice, Confidence, Freedom, En- 
francliisement. 

"Freedom must triumpli in our State. Louisiana 
must become the land of human rights — the land where 
every one can enjoy his own labor, his own soil — where 
all can claim the right to educate their children, and 
have all the rights of human beings respected by their 
neighbor, and maintain the rights of self-government, 
of the ballot, and all other rights which impartial justice 
claims for the citizens of a magnanimous Republic. 
Then we can vaunt our freedom ; then will the foreigner 
no longer reproach America Avith slavery ; then can 
we say, in truth, our land is the ' asylum of the op- 
pressed and the home of the free.' Men of every nation 
shall cherish it as the land of human rights — the land 
"Nvhere liberty means to enjoy manhood, free and un- 
trammeled, with all the inestimable rights of freedom, 
in its broadest and fullest meaning. Then may the 
citizen proudly boast — ' I am an American." 



REBEL LEGISLATURES. 233 



CHAPTER XXII. 

REBEL LEGISLATURES. 

The Governors and Legislatures of the rebellious 
States, in unison with " my policy " moved on in their 
work of politically restoring the rebellious elements to 
power, and of crushing loyalty. 

Louisiana seemed to take the lead in this ignominious 
work. In that State it was considered an honor to have 
approved the Ordinance of Secession. None who had 
fought for the Government of the United States were 
considered worthy of official position under the recon- 
struction laws of Johnson. 

The Legislature of Louisiana was composed almost 
entirely of men who had fought against the government, 
and, approved of the rebellion and slavery. The consti- 
tution of 18G4 was ignored by that assembly. The work 
of the Convention and Legislature of 1864, Avhich 
abolished Slavery in Louisiana, and looked to the inter- 
ests of the freedmen and the laboring classes, were to the 
Legislature of Louisiana of 1866 what the Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation had been to the Confederate Govern- 
ment, and Avas treated with the same contempt, as all 
other acts which opposed Slavery, and oppression. 

In a letter to Senator Howe, of Wisconsin, April 
12th, 1866, Governor Hahn writes, "The present Legis- 



234 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

laturc evidently intend to revive tlie old slavery regula- 
tions. A careful analysis of the acts they have passed 
"would convince any man of their true intent, "which is to 
keep up a sort of slavery in spite of the new Constitutional 
Amendment. I assure you "what, Mr. T. W. Con-way, 
lately Assistant Commissioner of the bureau of Freed- 
men in Louisiana, called the ordinance relative to the 
police for colored persons, ' Slavery, in substance,' is 
true of the acts of that Legislature. But you will not 
be surprised at their unjust provisions when you are 
informed of their authorship — Duncan F. Kenner is 
their worthy parent. He was elected a delegate to the 
Montgomery Convention by the Louisiana Convention 
which adopted the infamous ordinance of Secession. He 
helped to frame the Confederate Constitution, and was 
elected to the Confederate Congress. He remained a 
member of that rebel body until General Grant extin- 
guished the Codfederacy, when he availed himself of an 
early opportunity to visit Washington and seek a pardon. 
And with his pardon he hurried to Louisiana, dismissed 
the oiRcers of the Freedmens' Bureau from the further 
preservation of his property, and immediately pi'ocures 
an election to the State Senate, and then becomes the 
author and advocate of the new Slave laws. "With such 
material in the Southern Legislatures, what good can be 
expected? If 'Ileconstruction ' is to be entrusted to 
such intelligent and influential rebels, "what can we 
hope to achieve for the good of the country ? As to 
the disloyal character of the Legislature, I will let the 
published declarations of others speak. 

Hon. R. C. Richardson, of New Orleans, Avriting to 
Ex-Governor George S. Boutwell, says : 



EEREL LEOISLATUUES. 235 

*'A prominent member of the Legislature, and an old 
secession leader, stated to me in conversation a short 
time before the election, that he was a stronger seces- 
sionist than he ever was, and that he hated the United 
States Government from the bottom of his heart, and 
if he ever got a chance he would strike a death-blow at 
it. I state from memory nearly his own language. 

" Now, sir, I am prepared to assert that at least nine- 
tenths of his colleagues entertain the same sentiments, 
leaving out one solitary Union man elected from one of 
the country parishes. 

" All their proceedings, so far, sustain this conclu- 
sion." 

Hon. H. C. Warmoth, of New Orleans, in his argu- 
ment addressed to Senator George II. Williams, of the 
Reconstruction Committee, after speaking of other rebel 
influences in Louisiana, adds : 

" And finally the Legislature comes with new enact- 
ments, in order to more eftectually, it possible, destroy 
the friends of equal suffrage and equal riixhts. And 
thus without opposition or question re-enslave the col- 
ored people." 

But why should I accumulate the opinions of citizens, 
however trustworthy and honorable, when a simple 
statement of /acts cannot but bring you to a similar 
opinion ? 

The Legislature elected its officers on account of dis- 
tinguished services to the confederacy, and the criterion 
of success was persistent devotion and bitterness in the 
rebel cause. 

It refused to have the American flag about its halls 
until some colored ladies formally tendered it one as a 



23G LIFK OF A. P. DOSTIK. 

present, -svhicli offer, however, was iiulignaiitly iuiion d. 
It refused action on a resolution offered l»y ]\ir. AVil- 
liani Brown, of Iberville, as follows : 

" W/ureas, In the opinion of this body, the Govern- 
ment of the United States is the best Government on 
the face of the earth, and, Avhereas, the flaj;f of the said 
Government is worthy of all respect ; therefore be it • 

" jResolved, That the Sargeant-at-arms of the Senate be 
directed, to procure a large United States' flag, to 
have the same properly and tastefully arranged over the 
President of the Senate's chair." 

Shortly after its assembling the Senate expelled Mr. 
AVm. Brown, the author of the foregoing resolution, and 
some other Union Senators, who held over in their term 
from the previous Legislatnre, on the pretext that they 
were elected by a small vote of Union men before the 
rebels had given np the Confederacy. 

The present Constitution of Louisiana, framed while 
most of the members of this Legislature were in the 
rebellion, contains this provision : 

" The Legislature shall provide for the education of all 
children of the State between the ages of six and eigh- 
teen years, by maintenance of free public schools, by 
taxation or otherwise." 

The former Constitution, made in the interests of 
slavery, used the Avord " Avhite " before the word " chil- 
dren." The members of the Legislature have sworn to 
carry out the constitutional mandate as it now stands. 
They assert in their preamble that " sufficient provision 
is made by the Constitution and laws of the State, &c." 
They have made no provision for or sign of willingness 
to open colored schools, and no existing colored school 
is recognized, fostered or encouraged by their action. 



REBEL LEGISLATURES. 237 

But, you may ask liow can these evils be remedied ? 
How can justice be secured to the Union men -without 
dealing harshly Avith the rebels ? My answer is ready. 

Give EVERY COLORED CITIZEN THE RIGHT OP SUFFRAGE. 

This will settle all difficulties connected Avith reconstruc- 
tion. It is not only just and proper to extend this inesti- 
mable right to our colored citizens, but it is a debt Ave owe 
them. Let the nation be as scrupulous in discharging 
its moral obligations groAving out of the Avar, as it is to 
pay its financial obligations. Let us be true to those 
Avho have been true to us. In granting this right we 
obtain security for the future. By doing this act of jus- 
tice, by paying this debt, avc close the rebellion. There 
is no other question seriously dividing the people Avhich 
is not settled, Avith the discharge of this duty. 

Respectfully yours, Michael Hahn. 



238 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

SCHOOLS, CHURCHES AND FREEDMAx's BUREAU. 

By order of municipal aixtliority, in harmony with the 
new reconstruction laAvs, the Public Schools of New 
Orleans were placet! in charge of those Avho had fled 
into the " Confederacy " upon the arrival of General 
Butler in that city in 1862. The Loyal School Board 
was superseded, with one or two nobis exceptions, by a 
disloyal Board of Education. Wm. O. Rogers Avas ap- 
pointed to the position he had held in the schools — Avhen 
the black flag was considered an honorable emblem of 
the "Confederate Schools." His subtle influence was 
used to gradually displace Union teachers. The United 
States flags, placed over the Public School buildings 
through the influence of Dostie and his co-laborers, were 
torn down, the flag staff" used for kindlmg wood and the 
flags destroyed. The names of Beauregard, Lee, Sidney 
and A. Johnson were reverenced. The names of Lincoln, 
Grant, Butler and Banks were treated with contempt by 
the Superintendent and scholars of the reconstructed 
Schools. 

In one of the rebel sheets of New Orleans we find 
the policy of the public schools referred to in the fol- 
lowing article. "Unless for cause," in that article 
means volumes of injustice. It pointed to the expul- 



FKEEDMANS' BUKEAU. 239 

sion from those schools of more than one hundred teachers 
for their known Union sentiments : 

" The policy here, as elsewhere, in relation to our 
public schools, has been to make no changes of teachers, 
unless for cause. When, however, such men as A. P, 
Dostie were potential in the management of the public 
schools in New Orleans, while the war was progressing 
and less attention w^as bestowed on education, than on 
military science, oaths thick as leaves of Vallambrosa 
were administered to all who proposed to become in- 
structors of the youth of this city, and woe be to him 
or her who could not swallow the gilded pill, and sol 
emnly SAvear to swallow an entire nigger at the same 
instant." 

Glendy Burke was President of the reconstructed 
School Board. His first proposition in that relation 
was to " dismiss all the Union teachers from the schools," 
claiming as his reason for such action, " Their mis- 
management and incapacity." Engraved in letters of 
gold, stands the name of Dr. Goldman in that School 
Board. This distinguished friend of Union teachers, 
and liberal education, indignantly repelled the charges 
of Glendy Burke, and exerted his influence to retain 
the teachers who had faithfully labored in the cause of 
the Union. 

The churches under the new reconstruction laws were 
ordered to be given up to their old pastors and congre- 
gations. 

Palmer, Leacock and Goodridge returned to honor 
the memory of the " lost cause " and give aid to " my 
policy " under the garb of Christianity. The following 
from a leading paper of New Orleans — indicates the 



240 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

spirit with which rebel divines and orators were received 
by the reconstructed : 

nSTIXGUISHED ARRIVALS. 

" It is our pleasant task to notice the return, after 
an absence of three years or more, of two of the truest, 
ablest and most distinguished citizens of New Orleans, 
the lion. Pierre Soule and the Rev. Dr. Leacock. The 
former has always been one of the chief ornaments of the 
Louisiana Bar, the latter the model of the Southern 
Divine — pure, simple, charitable and sincere. Many a 
sunny memory Avill be recalled by the sight of those 
noble men on our streets and at our firesides." 

" The other day the Carondclct Street Methodist 
Church, for a long time past presided over by the Rev. 
J. P. Newman, was restored to the old members of the 
congregation." 

" Tlie Rev. Mr. Newman, who waited on the President 
the other day to see if he could not get ]>ermission to 
retain possession of a certain church edifice in New 
Orleans, which he had occupied since the time of General 
Butler, is said to be quite disgusted at the President's 
refusal to acquiesce in his request, and to have already 
written to his friends here that " the war is a dead 
failure." 

The Rev. J. P. Newman was the Luther of the 
churches in New Orleans during the rebellion. lie pro- 
bably received more censures for his labors in the cause 
of Christianity — the Union and liberty than did the 
great reformer. 

The Rev. J. W. Horton was another beloved pastor of 
the Union Church of New Orleans, against whom the 
vengeance and denunciations of a rebellious community 



FREEDMANS' BUREAU. 241 

were directed. He was pastor of the church from Avhich 
his lamented brother the Rev. Wm. Duncan Avas excluded 
before the arrival of General Butler in 1862. 

After Dr. Dostie's return from Washington, he was 
prostrated for weeks by sickness. Upon his recovery 
(as was his usual custom), he started to attend church 
on Sabbath morning to listen to a sermon from the Rev. 
J. P. Newman. As he was entering Carondelet Street 
church, a friend asked the Dr. " If he knew the churches 
had been given up to their old pastors ?" He replied, 
" If that is true, I do not desire to listen to the enemies of 
my Government and shall spend the day in jail with my 
loyal friend Mr, Bennie." 

His friend had been sent to jail by Governor Wells for 
the ci-ime of " embezzlement." That crime consisted in 
Mr. Bennie's refusal to pay acting Auditor Neville, after 
Dr. Dostie's unlawful removal from office, his returns 
as Sheriff of Terrebonne Parish. 

The Freedmans' Bureau was another impediment in 
the way of " My Policy " and the new reconstruction 
laws of President Johnson. The friends of President 
Lincoln were those first removed from office in Louisiana 
by his successor. The folowing letter proves the esti- 
mation in which the labors of the Rev. T. W. Conway 
were held by the martyred President : 

Executive Mansion, ) 
Washington, March 1, 1865. ) 
3fr. Thomas W. Cornea}/, General Superintendent 
Freedmen, Department of the Grdf: 
Sir: Your statement to Major-General Hurlburt of 
the condition of the freedmen of your department, and 
of your success in the work of their moral and civil 
elevation, has reached me, and gives me much pleasure. 



242 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

Tliat AVC shall be entirely successful in our efforts, I 
firmly believe. 

The blessing of God and the efforts of good and faith- 
ful men will bring us an earlier and happier consumma- 
tion than the most sanguine friends of the frccdmen 
could reasonably expect. 

Yours, 

A. LixcoLN, 

The following article from " the reconstructed Press of 
New Orleans " indicates the vindictive spirit manifested 
towards the laborers in the cause of freedom : 

" We are told by the telegraph that Major-General 
Thomas has tendered the superintendence of the schools 
for fre'ednien in Tennessee and Kentucky to the Rev. 
Thomas W. Conway. We do not believe it. General 
Thomas would hardly appoint an officer that President 
Johnson had dismissed in disgrace for stirring up the 
freedmcn to acts of sedition. 

" While we have the utmost respect for the clergy, we 
hope to be spared the curse of such preachers as this Reve- 
rend who is now in Washington defaming the people of 
Texas and Louisiana. 

" We arc all the more incredulous of this item, because 
Mr. Conway has been an habitual deceiver of journalists 
for a long Avhile. One-half the frightful stories of in- 
humanity to the negro originate in his jaundiced mind. 
His relations exceed those of ' Uncle Tom's Cabin.' " 

Ex-Confederate General Humphries, of JMississippi, 
one of the reconstructed Governors under " My Policy," 
thus Avrites of the Freedmens' Bureau : 

" To the guardian care of the Freedmens' Bureau has 
been intrusted the emancipated slaves. The civil law 
and the white man outside of the Bureau has been de- 



FEEEDMANS' BUREAU. 243 

prived of all jurisdiction over them. Look aroiand you 
and see the result. Idleness and vagrancy has been the 
rule. 

" Four years of cruel war, conducted on principles of 
vandalism, disgraceful to the civilization of the age, were 
scarcely more blighting and destructive to the homes of 
the white man, impoverishing and degrading to the 
negro, than has resulted in the last six or eight months 
from the administration of this black incubus. 

" How long this hideous curse, permitted of Heaven, 
is to be allowed to rule and ruin our unhappy people, I 
regret it is not in my power to give any assurance, fur- 
ther than can be gathered from the public and private 
declarations of President Johnson." 

The following correspondence explains one of the acts 
of reconstruction under " My Policy : " 

New Orleans, April 10, 1866. 
His Excellency^ President Andrew Johnson : 

Sir: It is made my duty, as President of the Senate 
of this State, to transmit to you by telegraph a copy of 
a joint resolution relative to the collection of taxes by 
the freedmen's bureau, for the purposes of education. 

The resolution reads as follows : 

*' Whereas, we are informed that the superinten- 
dent of the freedmen's bureau for the State of Louisiana 
is pi'oceeding to enforce the collection of a tax levied by 
military order in the State of Louisiana, to refund 
moneys expended, or to provide funds to be expended 
by the Federal authorities in the education of freedmen 
in this State : 

" J3e it resolved hy the Senate, the House of Repre- 
sentatives of the General Assembly concurring. That 
-General Howard, general superintendent of the freed- 
men's bureau for the United States, or, in his default 
the President of the United States, be respectfully re- 



244 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

quested to suspend the further collection of said taxes, 
and to procure or make a revocation of the order upon 
which they rest ; and that the president of the Senate 
and the Speaker of the House of Representatives he 
requested immediately to communicate this resolution 
by telegraph to Washington." 

I remain, very respectfully, your most obedient 
servant, Albert Yoorhies. 

War Department, April 12, 1866. 
To Albert Vborhies, Usq. : 

Your telegram was referred to the Secretary of War, 
Avho reports that all orders and proceedings for the col- 
lection of taxes by the freedmen's bureau for the purpose 
of education, have been suspended. 

Andrew Johnson. 

President Johnson's favorite theory, " The Conflict ®f 
Races," met the approbation of his reconstructed friends. 
" The negro will one day have his misery, and destruc- 
tion entailed upon his race by the radicals of the day," 
was the cry of the rebel Press. Such language was no 
check to men of blood, who hated Avith undying ven- 
geance radical and just measures. 



DOSTIE NOMINATED SUKVEYOK. i^45 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

DOSTIE NOMINATED FOR SUKVEYOB OF THE PORT. 

The friends of Dr. Dostie were anxious that he should 
be ajDpointed Surveyor of the Port at NeAV Orleans. 
Through the influence of Membei'S of Congress and 
others the name of Dostie was sent by the President to 
the Senate to be confimied. This unwelcome ncAvs soon 
reached his rebel enemies in New Orleans, and the Presi- 
dent was besieged with the numerous pleadings of his 
rebel friends to withdraw from the Senate the name of 
the "Radical fanatic," Dostie. The Avhole city of New 
Orleans was thrown into excitement over this supposed 
victory of radicalism. "What !" said his enemies, " shall 
this man who has been so conspicuous in the Yankee 
reign, as a Union man, as a man Avho has advocated 
negro rights, be allowed by our President to occupy a 
position which none but those who defend ow cause 
should fill ?" 

The press denounced his appointment, and his pat- 
riotic radical record was soon pictured to the Presi- 
dent. The representation to the Chief Executive tliat 
Dostie would be an " impediment to his cherished plans 
of reconstruction," had the desired efiect ; the name of 
Dostie was withdrawn from the United States Senate, 



246 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

and a man was apijointcd as surveyor of tlie port of 
New Orleans who would agree with " My policy." 

Said Dr. Dostie, when liis name was sent to the Senate, 
" I have not been wrong in placing confidence in the 
President. He knows me to he a loyal man, and yet he 
proposes to place me where I may exert an influence 
against disloyal men." Said one who had lost all confi- 
dence in Andrew Johnson, " You will never be allowed 
to retain any j^osition long under the administration of 
President Johnson, You are an honest radical ; your 
enemies are the friends of the President." Said Dr. 
Dostie, after his name was withdrawn, " T am not yet 
willing to give up my confidence in Andrew Johnson. 
My enemies haA'e misrepresented me to him. Personally 
considered I do not so much regret the withdrawal of my 
name (although I had every assurance that I should have 
been confirmed by a loyal Senate,) but I knew it would 
be a victory of the radical party in Louisiana, who are 
losing all confidence in tlie President. The appointment 
by him of a radical Union man would have secuix'd 
faith in him. I believe he Avill yet appoint a loyal man 
to the position, and should he, I shall not murmur." 
The President's, appointee was a man of kiiown rebel 
jDroclivities. 

The following letter was Avritten by Dr. Dostie to 
President Johnson at that time : 

Neav Orleans, Feb. 1, 1866. 
'''■Andre^o Johnso7i, President of the United States: 

" SiK : — I feel deeply obligated to you for having con- 
ferred upon me the appointment of Register of the Land 
Ofiice for the State of Louisiana, and afterwards you 
saw projjer, without any solicitation on my part, to ap- 



DOSTIE NOMINATED SURVEYOR. 247 

point me Surveyoi* of the Port of New Orleans, which 
appointment (after you had sent it to tlie Senate) Avas 
Avithdrawn by you. Your reasons for Avithdrawing the 
appointment are unknoAvn to me, and may be of such a 
character as to make it desirable (on your part) that I 
should vacate the position to Avhich you first assigned 
me. I therefore tender my resignation, to date from the 
5th of February, as I had determined upon Avhen I 
learned of my appointment to the Surveyorship. 

" I Avill cheerfully give way to abler and better men 
than myself, who seek to serve the country and the 
cause of the Union. I can assure your Excellency that 
no one could feel keener than myself any blow that 
might be aimed against those men who have at all times 
and under the most trying circumstances stood up for an 
undivided country, and those great principles you have 
advocated and defended. 

" I remain, respectfully yours, 

"Anthony P. Dostie." 



248 lAFK OF A. P. DOSTIE. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

DOSTIe's loss of COXFIDENCE IX JOIINSOX. 

President Johnson's vetoes of the " Freedman's Bureau 
Bill," and " The Civil Rights Bill," converted Dr. Dostie 
from his error in reposing confidence in a traitor to the 
cause of liberty. Dostie became a radical in his opinions 
of Andrew Johnson of the class of Wade, Butler and 
Sumner, and with thousands of others he stood by Sena- 
tor Wade, when that noble statesman rose in the Senate 
chamber and said in reply to Senator Lane of Kansas, 
(who defended the President in his vetoes of the Civil 
Rights and Freedman's Bureau Bill,) " Who is your 
President that every man must bow to his opinion, if 
you please? Why, sir, we all know him — he is no 
stranger to this body. We have measured him, sir. We 
know his height, his length, his breadth, and his capaci- 
ty — all about him, and you set him ixp as a paragon, and 
declare here, upon the floor of this Senate, that you are 
going to wear his collar. Is that the idea — that you are 
going to be his apologist and defender on whatever he 
may propose ? Three millions of people, sir, exposed to 
outrages and insults and murder from these Avorse than 
human savages, their former masters ; murdered, as we 
are told, every day ; their lives taken away ; their hu- 
manity trampled under foot ; and when Congress, under 



DOSTIE'S LOSS OF CONFIDENCE IX JOHNSON. 249 

the Constitution of the United States, is endeavoring^ to 
tender them some little protection, how are we met here ? 
Every attempt of your Moses has been to trample them 
down, making them worse, and throwing every obstruc- 
tion in the way of everything proposed by Congress." 

Said Dostie, " Next to President Lincoln I trusted 
President Johnson. When I was compelled to see in 
him a traitor to liberty and loyalty my indignation knew 
no bounds." In the following address delivered before 
the Republican Association of New Orleans, May 9th, 
1866, he thus expresses a measure of that indignation : 

" Felloav-Citizens — The conflict between Freedom 
and Despotism noAV agitating the nation is rapidly de- 
veloping those great principles which form the basis of 
republican government. In the antagonism raging there 
are two parties in the field — the Republican party, which 
maintains that liberty, equality and justice are the pre- 
rogatives of all men, and should be the foundation of 
government ; the other, the " Democratic " party, which 
disgraces that name by denouncing human equality and 
the rights of man. 

" In this battle of ideas no middle ground can be 
taken by friends of freedom, of democracy, of republi- 
canism. The events of the past four years have clearly 
developed to the American people the fact that the ele- 
ments in our country at war with republican institutions 
can no longer with impunity be permitted to endanger 
the life of the nation. 

" Patriots and heroes have written, with pens dipped 
in the blood of thousands, upon the cornex'-stone of the 
Republic : Liberty — ^Progress — Democracy. 

" No human power can thrust this Republic of Liberty 



250 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

into the depths from whicli it lias been lifted. The 
plague spot has been removed from the nation, and that 
ma7i, be he ' President, rebel, or conservative,' who dares 
to conspire against the progress of freedom, equal and 
exact justice, must eventually incur the just indignation 
of an outraged people, and be crushed by those ' eternal 
forces ' which have decreed that this shall be a land of 
free, republican institutions. 

" Connected with the events of the past five years are 
two names that will ever stand out boldly upon the re- 
cords of the Second American Revolution. These are, 
Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson. The one, the 
great leader of the Republican party, the leader of that 
party which, during the past four years, won so many 
' victories for humanity.' Abraham Lincoln was the 
champion of liberty, the embodiment of the principles 
and policy of the Republican party. He was ever the 
friend of patriots, of men loyal to our country, and 
steadily maintained the principles which honored repub- 
licanism and protected loyalty. With mercy he blended 
justice. Abraham Lincoln was never known to com- 
promise with traitors. None dared approach the man 
who, by every act of his life, had proved himself invul- 
nerable to the flattery of the enemies of his country, and 
who never granted favors which would injure the cause 
of republican liberty. The friends of emancipation, of 
the L^nion — men of republican ideas, of true democratic 
principles — were the men with whom he sympathized 
and whom he selected to fill places of »trust in this Gov- 
ernment. Abraham Lincoln never dreamed of a policy 
that could place traitors in power to crush loyal men 
who had suffered for the cause of libertv and the Union. 



DOSTIE's loss of confidence IX JOHNSON. 251 

This name, which was made immortal because it stood 
at the head of that party, whose policy has ever been to 
extirpate slavery from the land and restore the country 
according to the laws of right and justice, will ever ap- 
pear in bright contrast with that of Andrew Johnson, 

" A mourning nation turned from the grave of a mar- 
tyred President to repose confidence in one they believed 
to be a ti'ue patriot, in one whose past acts and noble 
sayings had marked him as a friend to loyalty, an enemy 
to treason. The oppressed looked up to Andrew John- 
son with confidence, as he told them ' lie would be their 
MoseSy and take them through the dark waters lohich 
surrounded them.'' Loyal men who had sufi*ered by 
fighting for their country in her peril, for which they 
were persecuted by traitors, trusted the 'Moses ' of the 
wronged, and confidently believed that his policy would 
be to protect the friends of the Government against the 
tyranny of those who had sought to destroy it. Had 
Andrew Johnson not said, when Governor of Tennessee, 
' Rebellion shall no more pollute our State. Loyal men, 
whether black or white, shall govern the State ?' Had 
Andrew Johnson not said from his exalted position of 
President, ' Treason must be made odious, and traitors 
must be punished and impoverished. Their great plan- 
tations must be seized and divided into small farms and 
sold to honest and industrious men ?' 

" Traitors were appointed to fill places of trust, but 
none were willing to believe that the patriotic Andrew 
Johnson had adopted a policy that would place men in 
power who had labored for years to destroy the most be- 
neficent form of government. Were not his past acts 
and words in direct antagonism to this suicidal policy ? 



252 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

Had not he said that ' in tlie work of restoration, that 
work should bo put into the hands of friends, not 
smothered by its enemies ?' That ' if there were but 
five thousand men loyal to freedom, loyal to justice, 
these true and faitliful men should control the work of 
re-organization and reformation absolutely ?' Such was 
the confidence reposed in Andrew Johnson by the loyal 
Union men of the South that they suffered in silence the 
persecutions of traitors, believing that when their patri- 
otic President had experimented sufficiently in his re- 
storation policy, he certainly would discover that such a 
policy sustained traitors and crushed loyal men. They 
waited hopefully and patiently, believing that when their 
loyal President should discern the true character of his 
appointees, they would receive their just reward — that 
traitors would be punished according to his solemn 
promises. 

" Alas ! that Andrew Johnson should have stultified 
his history, abandoned his party, and fallen from that 
position where a confiding liberty-loving people had 
placed him, expecting him to carry out the great princi- 
j)les the lamented Lincoln had pointed out as necessary 
to save the Republic. Alas ! that the Chief Executive 
should descend from that exalted position so recently 
occupied by the Great Martyr of Liberty, to denounce 
the principles of that party, of that Congress Avho are 
struggling to maintain the immoi'tal cause for which the 
leader of Republicanism — the noble Lincoln — had died. 

" Liberty bowed her head and wept, methinks, on the 
night of February 22d, 1866, when the Chief Magistrate 
of the nation mingled with the traitoi'S of the land to 
insult a Republican Congress, to strike at the vitals of 



DOSTIE's loss of confidence in JOHNSON. 253 

Liberty, to treat with contempt the memory of Wash- 
ington and Lincoln. It was not strange that the nation 
stood aghast and loyal hearts were filled with shame and 
humiliation, while traitors shouted and fired guns in 
honor of their avowed leader. 

" President Johnson declares that he is but carrying 
out the policy of Abraham Lincoln. If he had recon- 
structed and restored States according to his promises, 
he would have carried out Mr. Lincoln's policy. Has 
this been his course ? Has he adhered to the principles 
for which he was elected to restore the States? Has not 
Andrew Johnson said ' The leaders of the rebellion have 
decided eternal separation between you and them. 
These leaders must be conquered and a new set of men 
brought forward, who are to vitalize and develope the 
Union feeling in the South?' This was the policy of 
Abraham Lincoln ; this was the promulgated policy of 
Andrew Johnson, as an avowed Republican. This is not 
his present policy. His policy is to arm the rebels, to 
veto Liberty Bills designed to give protection to the 
loyal against traitors, to denounce patriots as traitors 
and fraternize with the red-handed monsters of the land. 

" Listen to what Governor Brownlow says of Andrew 
Johnson's policy : ' When I put the President in nomi- 
nation at Baltimore for the Vice Presidency, I felt that 
he had so thoroughly committed himself to the Union 
cause, and had been so badly treated by tha rebels, it 
was impossible for liim ever to get around to them 
again ; but I give him up as lost to the Union party, 
and as the man who is to head the rebels and Demo- 
crats. Every rebel in this country, every McClellan 
man, and every ex-guerrilla chief are loud and enthusi- 



254 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

astic in praise of the President. The men who but a 
few montlis since were cursing him for an abolitionist 
and traitor and wishing Iiim executed, are now for exe- 
cuting all who dare oppose /lis policy, or even doubt its 
success.' In the eleven rebellious States, can any one 
point out the ' new set of men ?' No. The leaders of 
the rebellion, through the influence and power of An- 
drew Johnson, to-day hold the offices and places through- 
out these States, and openly declare that Andrew John- 
son, whom the loyal millions trusted, is the friend and 
supporter of the leaders of the rebellion, while they 
know that the loyal Union people are unprotected and 
subject to the tyranny of the instigators of the rebel- 
lion. Andrew Johnson is shamefully guilty of dis- 
placing men who have lavishly spilt their blood and 
expended their treasure to secure an undivided country, 
and given those places to men distinguished for their 
treason. The policy of Abraham Lincoln was in bright 
contrast with this policy. During Lincoln's life, Avere 
men known to have been partisans of secession, ap- 
pointed to govern the States? Were its instigators 
allowed to hold offices or positions of honor or trust ? 
Did traitors dream of asking such favors from the just 
and honest Lincoln? They knew that the great object 
of that noble life was to put down treason and restore 
the Union. In contrast to Johnson's proceedings, Lin- 
coln acted according to his convictions of right and 
justice. His acts were in harmony Avith his words. 
Andrew Johnson declared that influential and wealthy 
traitors ought to sufter ' the penalties and terrors of the 
law,' and now seeks to conciliate them, honors them by 
placing them in Government employ, and giving them 



DOSTIe's loss of confidence in JOHNSON. 255 

positions of power, where their influence in favor of 
treason is nnliraited. Is this ' ai'resting, convicting and 
punishing ' men who have been guilty of tlie greatest 
of crimes — treason ? Is this' making treason odiotis? 

" Andrew Johnson has recently declared, in praise of 
his restoration policy, that Louisiana and South Carolina, 
are now more loyal than they have been for the past 
twenty five years. The men who have been crushed by 
the despotic tyranny of President's Johnson's recon- 
structed rebels, because they have fought for the Union 
and republican principles, place a different construction 
upon loyalty. The men who have fought treason and 
slavery for the last twenty-five years, and who have been 
commissioned by high authority to investigate these im- 
portant matters, do not talk thus of the loyalty of 
Louisiana and South Carolina. The true, loyal Union 
men of these eleven rebellious States know that rebel- 
lion is only conquered by the bayonet, that military 
power alone keeps it in check. Why is the press of 
these States, if they are so loyal, constantly filling the 
public mind with the same ideas that were popular dur- 
ing the rebellion. 

" Hearken to what Horace Maynard says : ' With the 
same traitor editoi'S as before and during the war, par- 
doned it may be, but manifestly unchanged in temper 
and purpose, there . is displayed the same sectional feel- 
ing and hatred of the Federal Government, though not 
the same stomach for fight. Under a thin disguise of 
of flattery of the President they assail his friends who 
have stood by him all through the dark years of the 
conflict, and vilify those w^hom they call radicals, mean- 
ing all Union men Avho oppose their infamous course and 



256 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE, 

who are now unwilling they should be restored to power 
over loyal men. Their diurital venom affords the strong- 
est argument against the admission to their seats of 
your Congressional representation. The ideas and princi- 
ples of the rebellion are constantly instilled into the pop- 
ular mind.' This is known to be true by all loyal men in 
the South. The unrepentant rebels still resist the laws 
of the Nation, despise the sacred oaths they have taken, 
and only took them for the purpose of gaining power 
through the mysterious magnanimity of Andrew John- 
son, praise the institution of slavery and despotism, and 
generally embrace the sentmients of men like T. Yancey, 
of Mississippi, who says : ' As for recognizing the right 
of freedmen to their children, I can say that not one 
Southern man or woman in the whole South recognizes 
the negro as a freedman, but as other stolen property 
forced by the bayonets of the damnable United States 
Government.'' 

" Such are the ' loyal men ' in power in these recon- 
structed States. Such are the men now guarding 
the vital interests of eleven States of this Republic 
of Liberty. Does that flag which is the pride of the 
Nation, in the folds of which may be read ' Liberty, 
Justice and Equality,' wave triumphantly over these 
States ? Although AndrcAV Johnson has proclaimed the 
' insurrection at an end,' icar Jias not ended, peace has 
not come. The L^nion men of the South yet look upon 
Federal bayonets as their only hope of salvation, and 
must so do, until a truly Republican Congress can secure 
peace to the country by reconstructing the rebellious 
States upon a loyal basis, until those who are traitors 
are made ' to take a back seat,' and are shorn of all 



dostie's loss of costpidence in johnsox. 257 

power to renew their assault upon the life of the Nation. 
Traitors through the magnanimity of Andrew Johnson, 
have received positions due only to good and patri- 
otic men. Men Avho had made themselves worthy of 
favors from the Chief Executive by their adherence to 
the Government Avhen in peril, demanded, in the name 
of right and justice, that the sacred interests of this 
Government be guarded by its sworn and tried friends, 
and not placed in the power of the leaders of the rebel- 
lion, who still plot the destruction of the Republic. 
Honors bestowed upon traitors will j^rove that 

" Mercy but murders, pardoning those that kill." 
Have these pardoned rebels, who to-day, through the 
influence of the President, govern the eleven rebellious 
States, shown any evidence of repentance for the crimes 
they have committed against their country ? Do they 
regard their sacred oaths ? Do they not daily declare, 
while surrounded by Federal bayonets, that they will 
yet conquer that power which has compelled their sub- 
mission to the just laws of this Nation, while they ac- 
knowledge themselves beaten in the field ? that, wnth 
the help of their President and the Copperheads of the 
North, they will triumph politically in the Government 
of this country ; that it will be a more decided victory 
of their principles than they could have obtained by de- 
feating the Republican army upon the battle-field ? Is 
this yielding up the infamous principles for which they 
commenced and fought a bloody war, that they might 
become a Confederacy of Traitors, the corner-stone of 
which was to be slavery ? Is this embracing the great 
truths which give to this Nation ' Liberty — full, broad 
and unconditional Liberty ?' Ought not traitors to be 



258 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

made to feel that by committing the crime of treason 
against this Government they forfeit their right as citi- 
zens, and that justice demands that they be arrested 
and punished ? If they had repented of their infamous 
crimes, would they not honor and respect their con- 
querors ? Have they done this ? No. The fact is no- 
torious that all the influential wealthy leaders of rebel- 
lion to-day bid defiance to the Government and laws of 
the country they have deluged with blood and filled 
with woe and desolation. The prenciples of these leaders 
have always moved them to oppose republicanism, hu- 
man equality and liberty, and to guide the masses under 
their control to anarchy and rebellion. 

" These are the men who to-day, under the policy and 
administration of Andrew Johnson, occupy the first 
positions in the States so lately in armed hostility to 
the United States Government. These men, wlio led the 
armies of the rebellion against the Republican hosts, 
who fought to maintain the Government and establish 
liberty throughout the land, now lead the armies forth 
to fight the political battles against their conquerors. 

" And whom do they claim as their leader in this con- 
flict between republicanism and despotism, between free 
institutions and slavery? Who, say the copperhead 
presses of the North and the rebel presses of the South, 
shall be their leaders. They evidently believe that their 
leader is secured to them, that the man who so long 
suffered on the ' gridiron ' because men of republican 
principles were suflfei'ing by the persecutions of traitors, 
copperheads and rebels, the ' Moses ' of the oppressed, 
the Governor of Tennessee, who declared that loyal men, 
whether black or Avhite, should rule the State, who said 



dostie's loss of confidence in joiixsox. 259 

that trea.son must be made odious, that the wealthy, 
influential leaders of the rebellion must be arrested, con- 
victed and punished, is now the accepted leader of those 
who love oppression and hate free, democratic, republi- 
can institutions. The leader of red-handed traitors, who 
have fought to undermine the foundations of this Gov- 
ernment, the leader of men whose names stand in the 
same category of crime with Aaron Burr, of whom 
Andrew Johnson said, in the days when he denounced 
traitors : ' Were I President of the United States, I 
would do as Thomas Jefferson did, in 1806, with Aaron 
Burr — I would have them arrested, and if convicted, 
within the meaning and scope of the Constitution, by the 
Eternal G od, I xooidd execute them!' Andrew Johnson 
is President of the United States, and who has he ar- 
rested ? Who has been executed ? — Wirz. The men 
who founded and instigated conspiracies to overthrow 
the Government, men who fired upon our flag, took our 
forts and custom-houses, our arsenals, our mints, our 
lands, and fought against our liberty, made desolate our 
homes and murdered oiir sons and brothers — these are 
the men who cry, from every portion of tlie land, upon 
Andrew Johnson to lead them against that party who 
has ever stood up boldly for the eternal principles of 
justice and the rights of humanity, who crushed tha 
infamous rebellion and stayed the revengeful arm of 
those Avho struck at the vitals of the Nation, that party 
which wielded a power that all the Copperheads, rebels 
and demons in Christendom cannot crush, be their 
leader Andrew Johnson, Robert E. Lee or Jefferson 
Davis, 

" Notwithstanding the defection of the President, this 



260 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIK. 

great Republic is not to be hurled from tlie majestic 
heights to which it has been lifted within the past five 
years ; it is not again to be thrown back into the depths 
of slavery, oppression and degradation from which it has 
just emerged. The spirit of the age proclaims the march 
of Freedom to be onward, and no human power can 
silence the voice of Liberty, as she proclaims to the na- 
tions of the earth her right to rule this Repiiblic. Men 
may plot to consj^ire and destroy liberty and republi- 
canism, and build \ipon their ruins slavery and despotism, 
but there is a God of Justice who rules the destinies of 
this Nation, and who, in the events of the last four 
years, has proved to the American people that from 
His Eternal Throne He has decreed that this shall be a 
Republic where the rights of humanity shall be sacred 
against oppression and tyranny. Human rights have 
become wonderfully developed by the revolution which 
has been sweeping over the land. Millions of the en- 
slaved have been, by the Great Emancipator, proclaimed 
freemen, and are becoming enlightened on the important 
events of the age, and appreciate the humane pi'inciples 
of republicanism, to which they owe their liberation 
from the thraldom of tyranny, notwithstanding Presi- 
dent Johnson's recent order to discontinue 'the collec- 
tion of taxes by the Freedmen's Bureau for purposes of 
education.' 

, " We hear a great cry raised about taxation without 
representation, Andrew Johnson, in his anxiety to ad- 
mit the leaders of the rebellion in Congress, exclaims 
that it is unjust to compel States to pay taxes without 
representation, and declares that it is unjust to bar the 
Congressional doors against the Representatives now 



DOSTIE's loss of confidence in JOHNSON. 261 

sent from the rebellious States, and says : ' Admit into 
the councils of the Nation those Avho are unmistakably 
loyal.' Does not President Johnson know that ninc- 
tenths of the men sent from the rebellious States are no- 
torious for their treasonable efforts to destroy the Gov- 
ernment, and that their constituents daily curse it as 
' the damnable United States Government;' that these 
unprincipled rebels are now laboring with their wealth 
and unlimited influence to tax four millions of free men, 
without representation ; that they deny them the rights 
of the ballot, while their loyalty is unquestionable. 
Andrew Johnson says ' the Revolution was fought that 
there should be no taxation without representation.' For 
what, we Avould ask, has this Second Revolution been 
fought, if not to establish equal rights in this Nation ? 
Should the Republican Congress be denounced by the 
Chief Executive because it would maintain the principles 
for which this great civil war has been fought, because 
it frowns upon traitors and makes those guilty under- 
stand that they have forfeited the right to participate in 
the legislation of the Nation ? President Johnson and 
Congress do not differ in this matter if President John- 
son abides by his Avords. No true Union man desires to 
see a loyal man thrust out of Congress, or to see a State 
unrepresented in the National Legislature, Avhen it can 
be proven that that State has a trusty republican gov- 
ernment and is established upon a loyal basis — a State 
that Avill send men to represent her in Congress Avhose 
hands have not been imbrued in the blood of patriots. 
President Johnson declares he stands by the Constitu- 
tion and Government to resist encroachments. Alas ! 
that he had not been as anxious to guard them from the 



262 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

polluting touch of traitors as lie is to denounce their 
noblest friends. President Johnson is opposed to any- 
further amendments of tlie Constitution ' at this time.' 
He desires that this important work be postponed until 
the restoration of the Southern States, that they may- 
have their influence in determining what these amend- 
ments shall be. What kind of amendments are we to 
expect from traitors whose souls are steeped in the prin- 
ciples of rebellion and slavery, the sworn friends of 
Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee and other leaders of 
traitors ? This being, according to his recent acts, ' the 
ichite mail's government,^'' universal suff'rage is not in 
harmony with his ideas of American Government. ' It 
would bring on a war of the races.' That war com- 
menced when slavery was first established, and Avill con- 
tinue until human equality is acknowledged and re- 
spected in every State in the Republic of Liberty. That 
is a self-evident truth, plainly read by every thoughtful 
lover of right and justice in this country. 

"Abraham Lincoln, true to justice and libei'ty, taught 
the duty and necessity of equal rights. His words were : 
' Universal suffrage before universal amnesty.' Abraham 
Lincoln understood Southern loyalty, and knew that the 
rebellious States could not be reconstructed upon a loyal 
basis until the principal element of loyalty in those States 
had the ri^ht of the ballot and all other risfhts of Ameri- 
can citizens, which all men are entitled to. The with- 
holding these rights, the rights which the founders of 
this Government acknowledged, has already deluged 
the land in blood, and points to another civil war unless 
the just demands of humanity are complied with. Lib- 
erty has written upon the flag of the nation, ' Equal 



DOSTIE S LOSS OF CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 263 

Rights — the Destiny of Republicanism,' and this Nation 
will never have attained to the glory destined for her 
until the rights of all men ai'e respected by the Govern- 
ment. How, we would ask, can President Johnson claim 
to be carrying out the policy of the Martyr of Liberty, 
when he is doing everything in his power to crush the 
loyal men in the South, both white and black, by ap- 
pointing the most powerful leaders of the rebellion to 
prominent official positions, who still cherish disloyalty 
in their hearts ? 

" Lincoln was never known to announce a great prin- 
ciple and act contrary to it. That great and good man 
said : ' A71 attem2)t to guarantee and protect a revived 
State Government^ constructed in whole or in preponde- 
rating 2^cirt from the VERY element against ichose hos- 
tility and violence it is to he protected^ is simply absnrd.^ 
Can Andrew Johnson, with these words before him, look 
at the work that his policy has wrought and believe that 
it is the lamented Lincoln's policy carried out ? Andrew 
Johnson [knows that every political act of that great 
and just man had a tendency to crush treason and exalt 
loyalty and liberty ; that he never dreamed of traitors 
governing the four millions of enfranchised human 
beings. Andrew Johnson calls upon the people to tell 
him what principle he has violated, from what sentiment 
he has swerved? — asks them, if any one quotes his pre- 
decessor as going in opposition to anything he has done, 
what principle adopted by him has he departed from ? 
There may have been silence in that crowd when these 
questions were asked, but the loyal people aver that he 
has violated his solemn engagement to be the Moses ' 
and lead the oppressed to ' Liberty — full, broad and un- 



264 LIFK OF A. r. L>OSTIE. 

conditional liberty ; " that he has disci-iminated against 
the loyal and in favoi- of the disloyal ; he has l>een guilty 
of acts and language calculated to precipitate another 
horrid rebellion ; that he has attempted to usurp the 
legislative powers of Congress ; that he has said he ' did 
not consider those who opposed his policy as belonging 
to the Union party ; ' that he has been guilty, in the 
following, of shameless interference in the sacred rights 
of the ballot : ' In reference to the elections in Connecti- 
cut or elsewhere I am for the candidate who is for the 
general policy and the specific measures promulgated in 
my annual message, veto message, speech of 22d Febru- 
ary, and the veto message sent in to-day. There can be 
no mistake in this. I presume it is known, or can be 
ascertained, what candidates favor or oppose my policy 
or measures as promulgated to the country.' 

" ' Andreav Johnsox.' 

"These averments and the President's own letter 
answers the question the President puts. By them it is 
shoAvn that he has not been true to liis own professions, 
nor have the acts been in keej^ing with those of his 
predecessor. 

" In connection with the subject of reconsti'uction, the 
name of Abraham Lincoln will be lovingly enshrined in 
the hearts of patriots for his immortal acts, while that 
of Andrew Johnson will be associated with their woes 
and their oppressions; he will be remembered as the 
prime mover in the infamous plans of staying the pro- 
gress of the noble work commenced by his predecessor. 

"A Republican Congress is now acting in harmony 
with the great work commenced by Abraham Lincoln. 
That Congress seeks to 'establish justice, insure do- 



dostie's loss of cox^IDE^^CE i>r .tohnsox. 265 

mestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, and 
insure the blessings of liberty ' to the Nation. The 
contest between the Chief Executive and that legisla- 
tive body is not for the restoration of the Union — the 
Union is indivisible. Congress opposes the admission of 
rebels to legislate upon the vital questions now before 
this Nation. It opposes those who arc enemies to the 
Government. The President is laboring to force men 
who have been the leaders of rebellion into Congress to 
frame the laws of the country. The civil and political 
organization of the rebellious States is constitutionally 
within the control of Congress. It is the duty, under 
the Constitution, for the Commander-in-Chief of the 
Army and Navy to suppress insurrection and rebellion, 
under the direction of Congress. Through Congress 
ai'mies and navies are raised and sustained, and the duty 
of the President, as Commander-in-Chief, is to execute 
the laws of that body in carrying out the will of the 
people. Congress has the right to determine the con- 
ditions of peace or war, and it is the unmistakable and 
the sworn duty of the President to heed and enforce its 
solemn behests. The Constitution declares that ' it shall 
be the duty of the President,' as Commander-in-Chief, 
' to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrec- 
tions and repel invasions.' But Congress shall ' provide 
for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and 
for governing such part of them as may be employed in 
the service of the United States,' to provide for the 
common defence and general welfare of the United 
States, to declare war, grant letters of marque and make 
reprisal, and make rules for the capture on land and 
water, to raise and support armies, to make rules for the 



2GG LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

government of land and naval forces, and to provide 
for callinci: out the militia. 

"War has not ended. The act of Congress of July 
22d, 18G1, and the act of four days later, reducing the 
army to twenty-five thousand men within one year after 
the existing rebellion and insurrection, cannot he carried 
out, because of the continuance of rebellion. The men 
who participated in the rebellion arc still armed insur- 
gents. If not armed with the bayonet, they have in- 
augurated a warfare against freedom and the just laws 
of this Government, and hold themselves in readiness to 
strike at the life of the Republic when they shall have 
obtained the power, 

" Under the present policy of reconstruction the rebel 
States have not chosen their representatives according 
to law. The proclamation of May 29th, 18G5, was 
utterly disregai'ded. Men excej^ted by it voted at the 
elections, and men thus excej^ted were elected to the 
most important offices. Men were elected to aid in the 
important work of reconstruction who had sworn an 
oath against the United States Government, Avho had 
fought against it, and had given no subsequent acknowl- 
edgement by returning to their allegiance, that they were 
not still its bitter enemies. Are such men fit to repre- 
sent the vital interests of the States of this Republic 
within the National or State Governments ? Such arc 
not the set of men Congress desires should vitalize and 
develop the Union feeling in the South. 

"It is a false assertion that a Republican Congress 
desire to humiliate the South, It is treason and hydra- 
headed slavery, with their correlatives, aristocracy, des- 
potism, anarchy and rebellion — ^^that Republican loyalty 



DOSTIE's loss of confidence in JOHNSON. 267 

has determined shall perish from this Nation, and with 
the lielp of a just God, will crush out from this country, 
destined to be the land of human rights. 

"Justice, ever in harmony with freedom, demands that 
national crimes he punished and equitable laws estab- 
lished, and that the dignity, rights and privileges of 
loyal citizens be respected. An outraged people demand 
that ' as the Government has put down traitors in arms, 
traitors should be put down in law, in public judgment, 
and in the morals of the world.' Loyal people believe 
in no policy that honors, exalts, makes governors, legis- 
lators, senators and presidents of men who have sent our 
brothers and sons to Andcrsonville and Libby prisons, 
and made the land to flow with the blood of patriots ; 
men who to-day are singing praises to the traitors — Jef- 
ferson Davis, Lee, and Stonewall Jackson, and have 
erected monuments to rebels, while they curse the mem- 
ory of our fallen heroes and martyred patriots. We be- 
lieve the mass of the people in the insurrectionary States, 
freed from the vile influences of those men Avho led them 
into treason and rebellion, would be easily brought back 
to allegiance and become good citizens ; but the leading 
men, those described in the Proclamation of Amnesty, 
are ' the conscious, influential traitors,' who wield their 
power in opposition to republican institutions and draw 
the masses which they control into the vortex of treason, 
anarchy and political crimes. Is it strange that the 
loyalty of the nation demands that the infamous crime 
of treason ' should sufier its penalty,' that ' it should be 
made odious,' when we behold the war that it has caused, 
and the men Avho yet avow they Avill accomplish the de- 
struction of free institutions ? Are not these iinrepen- 



l:bb LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE, 

tant traitors guilty before the law ? Should they not he 
disfranchised, that they may no longer continue their in- 
fernal work of ruin and death? Should not men in 
sympathy with Jefferson Davis and his co-fiends, men 
who live to plot, conspire and to luidermine a govern- 
ment based upon justice, liberty and reiniblicanism, bo 
excluded from our legislatures? yea, be prohibited from 
the rights of loyal citizens nntil they have become such. 
These traitors, who avow that had they it in their poAver 
theywoidd inaugurate a war to-day that would extirpate 
pure democracy from the land, tram2:)lc upon the rights 
of humanity, and crush liberty with the iron heel of de- 
spotism. It has been fully demonstrated to thoughtful, 
candid, reasoning loyal men who have investigated the 
true state of affairs in the rebellious States, that it Avould 
be unsafe to permit the withdrawal of the military forces 
from those States. That loyal people, white and black, 
are hopeless of maintaining their rights without military 
power ; that Avithont it they would have no protection 
for life, liberty or property. 

"In view of these facts, should not loyal men demand 
that the basis of 2-)acifi cation be justice and human rights ? 
Should they not exact justice, and determine never to 
recognize any government as a republican government, 
but one based upon the principles which insure ' Liberty 
— full, broad and unconditional Liberty?' Then, and 
not till then, can we expect ' peace to come, and come to 
stay.' 

" The Republican party for the last four years has 
been fighting for the 'general liberty and security of the 
people.' That party, in Congress and out of Congress, 
are still battling for what alone will secure the general 



DOSTIE S LOSS OF CONFIDEXCE IN JOIINSOX. 2G9 

liberty and security of the nation — justice and equal 
rights before the law. On the otlier hand, there is a 
powerful faction who are opposed to the principles of the 
Republican party, have been fighting- against emancipa- 
tion, the draft, confiscation, the enrollment and arming 
of the blacks, the proclamation of martial laAV, and the 
ai-rest and punishment of traitors. The men who op- 
posed the war because they believed it would result in 
the destruction of their cherished plans against true de- 
mocratic principles, are those who cheer loudest for the 
reconstruction policy of Andrew Johnson and applaud 
his shameless betrayal of the Republican party, and are 
loud in praise of his denouncement of those who in the 
National Congress firmly maintain republican jDrineiples 
and resist all attempts to force into their councils traitors 
who have been connected with the rebellion. What 
class of men support Andrew Johnson's policy in liis 
vetoes of the Frcedmen's Bureau and Civil Rights Bills, 
and demand the full representation of the rebellious 
States in Congress, Avhen he denounces as traitors that 
body whose every act has been to carry out the policy 
of Abraham Lincoln to ' secure the rights and liberties 
of the people ?' Where do Ave find the voice of the dis- 
ciples of Calhoun and the Vallandighams ? Why did 
the rebels and copperheads, Xorth and South, shout lono- 
and loud for the Chief Executive of the Republic when 
he stepped from his exalted position to mingle Avith a 
copperhead mob to condemn the leaders of the Re]>ubli- 
can party for their integrity and loyalty ? Are not tliese 
admirers of the President's last acts those Avho said, a 
little while since, that ' successful coercion Avould be as 
great a crime as successful secession ;' that ' if anv at- 



270 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

tempt was made to put secession down blood would flow 
in the streets of New York ;' that ' coercion was uncon- 
stitutional, illegal ?' Are not tliese the men who opposed 
the measures for the suppression of the rebellion, opposed 
tlie suspension of the habeas corpus, opposed emancipa- 
tion, conscription, loans, legal tender, money and taxa- 
tion ? Such are the men who opposed the policy of Abra- 
liam Lincoln, but who to-day embrace the doctrines of 
the betrayer of the Republican party. 

" Andrew Johnson is now the upholder of that party 
who said of the Martyr of Liberty, ' that the fate of 
Charles I, should be his doom," that he ought to be put 
down by the bullet, and found their B(joth to carry out 
their hell-born desire. These admiring friends of Andrew 
Johnson threatened to hang the military commission 
that condemned to death the assassins of Abraham Lin- 
coln. These same friends proposed to divide tliis Union 
into four quarters, Northern, Western, Pacific and 
Southern ; but now do not object to Union, provided 
that the country can be ruled by the policy of Andrew 
Johnson, Kobert E. Lee, Jefferson Davis, General Hum- 
phries, and other ' loyal ' Southerners — provided our 
Congress can be made up of the leaders of the great se- 
cession movement. Are not these men ' Southern patri- 
ots,' ' honorable men,' 'Christian warriors,' 'chivalrous 
gentlemen,' the men who have a right, acquired by their 
devotion to ' Southei'u institutions,' and their adherence 
to the ' white man's government,' to bid defiance to a 
Republican Congress and a loyal people. Have not 
these men acquired a right to denounce t/i at parti/ which 
has determined, with tlie help of Eternal Justice, to es- 
tablish equal rights and equitable laws in this Republic. 



DOSTIE's loss of confidence in JOHNSON. 271 

" My friends — avo, Avho are in sympathy with the ISTa- 
tional Republican party, are called upon to meet the 
issues that are presented in this contest between human 
liberty and despotic oppression. The great questions 
before the nation are of vital importance to us all, in- 
volving as they do the moral and political ruin of the 
country, or the triumph of the principles upon Avhich 
human rights are based. In the progress of events v.'C 
can but mark a series of antagonisms which must im- 
press all thoughtful men who are interested in the Avel- 
fare of our country with the fict that in this terrible 
conflict, free government and the rights of humanity 
must be established and respected in this Republic and 
the Union maintained in its integrity, or the f:\lse and 
dangerous doctrines which the enemies of our National 
Government have vindicated before, during and since 
the rebellion, will triumph and overthrow the demo- 
cratic, republican institutions now the glory of the 
American Nation. In this case, will not the loyal ele- 
ment. North and South, sustain a truly Republican Con- 
gress, which, as a body, is devoted to liberty and loyalty, 
which is struggling to vindicate the immutable princi- 
})les of the Declaration of Independence and the Con- 
stitution, and ' to continue the Government in loyal 
hands, and none other;' Avhich has determined that none 
' but men loyal to the Constitution, loyal to freedom, 
loyal to justice,' shall participate in the National Coun- 
cils, to frame laws for the country or control the work 
of reorganization ? This body of earnest patriots is 
governed by the fundamental principle that 'tin exer- 
cise of political power should be confined to the loyal.' 
One of the noble men of that body, Senator Wilson, 



272 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

forcibly says : 'A loyal people, with the clear instincts 
of intelligent patriotism, saw amid all the excitements 
of the present that this was not a struggle for the resto- 
ration of the rebel States into the Union ; but a struggle 
for the admission of rebels into the Union ; a struggle for 
the admission of r.bels into the legislative branches of 
the Government of the United States ; not a struggle to 
put rebels under the laws, but to enable rebels to frame 
the laws of the country. Politicians might deceive 
themselves, but the people, who had given two and a 
half millions of men, the blood of 000,000 heroes, and 
$3,000,000,000, comprehend the issues. The Republican 
or great Union party of the country, embracing in its 
ranks more of moral and intellectual worth than was 
ever organized in any political party on the globe, pro- 
claims as its living faith the creed of the equal rights of 
man, and the brotherhood of all humanity embodied in 
the New Testament and in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. The best interests of the regenerated Nation, 
the rights of man, the elevation of an emancipated race 
alike demand that the leaders of that great Union party 
that restored a broken Union and gave liberty to four 
millions of men, shall continue to administer the Gov- 
ernment and preserve and frame the laAvs for the 
nation.' 

" The great Liberty party will sustain this Congress 
in its efforts to establish in the rebellious States republi- 
can governments based iipon the fundamental principles 
laid down in the Declaration of Independence. Until 
these governments are established the rights of loyal 
citizens Avill not be protected — Liberty, peace and per- 
manent Union cannot be secured to the Nation — the 



DOSTIe's loss of confidence in JOHNSON. 273 

natural, civil and political rights of man will not be 
achieved. The two great elements of republican gov- 
ernment are justice and equality. These two elements 
are wanting in the present governments of the rebel- 
lious States. They only contain those elements which, 
in the words of Abraham Lincoln, ' make the States half 
slave — half free,' and are, therefore, established upon a 
basis which cannot permanently endure. They do not 
secure freedom to all, do not protect the rights of four 
millions of human beings, who claim and are entitled to 
the just rights of citizens. They do not, in the language 
of Andrew Johnson, ' secure exact justice to all men, 
special privilege to none,' do not provide for the com- 
mon defence, promote the general welfare, establish jus- 
tice and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
our posterity. These governments, I repeat, are Avanting 
in the great principles upon which must be based repub- 
lican government. These fundamental doctrines the 
Fathers sought to establish — Liberty to all, and Equal 
Rights to all. No State constitution can be republican 
in form which disfranchises the loyal citizens of the 
United States. Millions of human beings, Avithin the 
past four years, have been emancipated from the bondage 
of slavery, and are now citizens of the United States, 
loyal patriotic defenders of their country and the firm 
friends of republican State governments, which will re- 
cognize their moral, civil and political rights. These 
governments Avill never be established through the influ- 
ence of traitors, rebels, or any class of men whose lives 
have been spent in political opposition to republican 
institutions, and who continue to fight against destiny 
and the forces which are moving the nations of the 



274 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

world to extend equal rights to all men ; the men whom 
treason has made 'odiovs,'' the men in command of the 
rebel goverments, who ' grant protection to the rich 
traitor, while the poor Union man stands out in the cold, 
often unable to get a receipt or a voucher for his losses.' 
These men miglit legislate forever and they would never 
establish just laws for all, would never advocate mea- 
sures by wliich the rights of all would be secured, would 
never recognize the great principles of republican gov- 
ernment, which comprehend imiversal liberty, universal 
justice and universal suffrage, without which this nation 
will never attain to that grandeur and power which the 
voice of liberty proclaims the destiny of a united Re- 
public. During the administration of Abraham Lincoln 
an attempt was made to establish governments in Lou- 
isiana, Tennessee and Arkansas, based upon rcimblican 
principles. These were in harmony with the policy of 
that Martyr of Liberty, and met the approbation of 
him who ever desired to promote liberty and popularize 
progressive principles. It is true an important political 
element was wanting in these forms of government, 
which President Lincoln himself more than once hinted 
at as necessary to enter into truly republican govern- 
ments. They did not embrace the political rights of all 
loyal citizens. Alas ! Lincoln did not live to carry out 
that policy which promised universal suffrage ; did not 
live to carry out his pledge that 'the freedom of the en- 
franchised should be maintained,' and that he should 
be not onlj^ a 'soldier in war, but a citizen in peace.' In 
the Constitution of Louisiana of 1864, provisions were 
made for the Legislature of the State to extend the 
right of suffrage to the enfranchised, to educate them, 



DOSTIe's loss of COXFIDEXCE IX JOHXSON". 275 

to draw upon them for defence. Of this Constitution, 
it Avas said by the immortal and lamented Lincoln, that 
he had read it through tAvice, and 'thought it the best 
Constitution yet adopted by any State,' Had not the 
enemies of progress and liberty controlled this State in 
opposition to the policy of the champion of liberty and 
loyalty, Louisiana would have stood upon tlie broad 
platform of constitutional liberty, when she would have 
exclfiimed through the people, ' I have bent the tyrant's 
rod, I have broken the yoke of slavery, and to-day she 
stands redeemed,' But, alas ! who, under the policy of 
Andrew Johnson, the author of these noble words, have 
been the participants in the work of reorganization ? 
Has it been those ' loyal to freedom, loyal to justice,' 
men true and faithful to the rights of humanity ? What 
has been the course of action of the Governor of Lou- 
isiana, of the State Government, of the Government of 
New Orleans, the metropolis of the South. History, 
true to justice, will not fail to point out the true story 
and give its moral to the future. It will solve this pro- 
blem of reconstruction and seal the doom of the enemies 
of human rights. Antagonistic systems of government 
cannot exist. There is no harmony between liberty and 
slavery. Their friends Avill never be in sympathy, can 
never work together in the vitally important work of 
reconstruction. Uncompromising and eternal war has 
been declared between slavery and freedom. Peace will 
never come until this antagonism ceases, and pure repub- 
lican, democi-atic principles triumph over the arrogant 
slave powers. 

" Andrew Johnson says the people will ' give evidence 
to the nations of the earth and to its own citizens that 



276 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

it has the power to restore internal peace.' Yes, the 
American people will give this evidence, against all 
Andrew Johnson's diabolical machinations to inaugurate 
anotlier horrid rebellion. Let Andrew Johnson beware 
of treacliery in himself, lest he call down the vengeance 
of betrayed millions. 

"My countrymen — the loyal element, regardless of 
race or color, must master and control the destinies 
of Louisiana, or the enemies of Liberty, the sworn 
vindictive enemies of the Great Republic, will again 
raise the banner of treason and trail in the dust 
that glorious flag which has inscribed ujjon its folds, 
' Union, Confidence, Justice, Freedom, Enfranchisement— 
the salvation and perpetuity of the JVcction.'' Lovers of 
liberty and human rights — I call upon you in the name 
of our venerated fathers, in the name of the love you 
bear for the rising generation, to meet Avith brave hearts 
and iron resolves the vital issues now before you. In 
our struggle to achieve and maintain republican insti- 
tutions, we are sustained by the glorious Congress who 
are laboring ' to make treason odious,' and enact gov- 
ernments that yv'iW ^insure freedo7n to the /ree.^ When 
this glorious desideratum is achieved, this geeat Na- 
tion will justly claim that Unity and Liberty destined 
for a land of Freedom." 



MONBOE RE-ELECTED MA YOB. 277 



CHAPTER XXVL 

MONBOE RE-ELECTED MAYOR OF NEW ORLEANS. 

The reconstructed of New Orleans preferred men to 
govern the city dyed a few shades deeper in the blood of 
the friends of the United States Government than those 
already holding the municipal offices. Looking back 
upon the days of thuggery with evident pleasure, the 
returned rebels nominated John T. Monroe for Mayor, 
and Lucien Adams for one of the Recorders of the city. 

The following was a reason given by one of the re- 
turned Confederates for the nomination of Monroe : 

"He is a staunch member of the National Democratic 
party, an earnest supporter of the reconstruction policy 
of President Johnson, and an advocate of peace, har- 
mony and good Avill." 

The following is from the pen of an ex-confederate 
officer who was upon the ticket of municipal officers to 
be elected in New Orleans on the Monday to which he 
refers : 

" We must stand by Andrew Johnson in his contest 
with radicalism, already fierce, and destined to become 
fiercer and more ferocious. We ought to preserve the 
organization of the National Democratic party in all its 
completeness and integrity. We cannot afibrd to lose 
the present occasion of demonstrating to the President 



2*78 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE, 

that in his fight with radicalism lie has all our Bym- 
pathies. 

"It cannot be objected that in a merely municipal elec- 
tion this is a matter of minor importance, and that our 
Federal relations have nothing to do with it. 

"The chief commercial city of the South will have an 
oj)portunity next Monday of decidmg by what majority 
she allies herself with the only j^arty that can save the 
country from ruin." 

The Democratic nominees for the city offices were 
elected on the 12th of March, 1866, The New Orleans 
Press and the friends of the Administration were jubi- 
lant over the election. Rozier, Rozelius, Fellows, and 
others who were in sympathy Avith President Johnson's 
*' reconstructed," considered it a joyful victory over the 
radical Republican party. Loyal men Avere overwhelmed 
with reproaches and threats by the dominant party if 
they dared resist the encroachments of thuggery by 
word or act. The state of affairs caused a general indig- 
nation in the hearts of the loyal masses, who trembled 
with fear as they saw the Avorkings of " My Policy," 
but Avei-e powerless to defend justice against the en- 
croachments of the organizations by which they were 
surrounded. The unanimous voice of the truly loyal in 
NcAV Orleans Avas " deliver us from our enemies and the 
corrupt men in official positions." Even the mild and 
gentle Canby, who Av^as always disinclined to interfere 
with civil laAV, sustained by Executive authority, Avas 
startled from his repose upon the announcement of the 
election of Monroe. 

The following ox'ders Avere issued by the commanding 
General : 



monroe re-elected mayor. 279 

Headquarters Department of Louisiana, ) 
New Orleans, La., March 19, 186G. \ 
Special Orders, iVb. 63. 

[Extract.] 

2. It appearing that John T. Monroe, who received, 
respectively, at the late municipal election a majority of 
the votes for the office of Mayor, may come within the 
class of exceptions mentioned in the President's procla- 
mation of amnesty, not having received a special par- 
don, will be suspended from the exercise of any of the 
functions of his office until his case can be investigated 
and the pleasure of the President be made known. 

By order of Major-General E. R. S. Canby. 

Wickham Hoffman, 
Official. Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Nathaniel Burbank, 

1st Lieut., Acting Asst.-Adjt.-Gen, 

Headquarters, Department of Louisiana. ) 
New Orleans, La., March 19, 1866. ) 
Special Orders, Ko. 63.] 

[Extract.] 

3. J. Add. Rozier, Esq., is appointed Mayor of 
the city of New Orleans, p?'o tempore, and will act in 
that capacity until the municipal government of the city 
is organized, as provided for by the fifteenth section of 
the city charter, in the case of the sickness or temporary 
absence of the Mayor. 

By order of Maj.-Gen. E. R. S. Canby. 

Wickham Hoffman, 
Official : Assistant Adjutant-General. 

Nathaniel Burbank, 

1st Lieut., Act. Asst. Adj. -Gen. 
Can it be supposed by a reflecting mind that, had Ar- 
nold applied to Washington for pardon, he Avould have 
been reinstated as General of the United States forces ? 
or that, had Monroe sought pardon from Lincoln, he 
would have been reinstated Mayor of New Orleans ? 



280 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE, 

Andrew Johnson's favorite policy drew to his sove- 
reign feet the chief traitors of tlie land, who went 
thi'ough with the farce of sueing for pardon, for tho 
known purpose of strengthening despotism. Such sup- 
pliants Avere raised to the highest positions in the State 
and municipal governments of the rebellious States. 
Mark the contrast between the treatment of Doctor 
Dostie, the patriot of New Orleans, and that of Monroe, 
the traitor of New Orleans, at the hands of the Execu- 
tive ! 

To Washington went Monroe, to get permission fi-om 
the Pi-esident to control the metropolis of the South, 
according to his old thuggery principles, in defiance of 
loyalty, justice, law and order. Upon his return to New 
Orleans, after an interview with the President, the fol- 
lowing notice appeared in the New Orleans papers : 

"Mayor John T. Monroe arrived home last eve- 
ning. While in Washington, Mayor Monroe had seve- 
ral interviews with President Johnson, and obtained 
from him a special pardon, affixed to which is the Presi- 
dent's own signature, which inmost cases is only stamped 
upon pardons issued by the Chief Executive. 

"Mayor Monroe, who was received very kindly by 
Mr. Johnson, upon asking for his pardon remarked to 
the President that he had supposed he was already par- 
doned under the proclamation of President Lincoln. 
Mr. Johnson replied that to all intents and purposes he 
was included in that proclamation, but that for the sake 
of satisfying all parties, and to place the Mayor beyond 
the probability of any future annoyance, he thoiight it 
best to grant him a special pardon. 

" At lialf-past eleven o'clock Mayor Monroe repaired 



ilONROE RE-ELECTED MAYOR. 281 

to the City Hall, and once more assumed the duties of 
Chief Executive of the city." 

By the supporters of the President the flattering re- 
ception of Monroe at the Executive Mansion was hailed 
as a propitious omen for their plans. 

The Mayor, fully established in office, proceeded to 
act in harmony with the plan of reconstruction. All 
policemen known to he tinctured with loyal blood were 
discharged, to give place to applicants conspicuous in 
murdering Union men in 1860 and during the rebellion. 

Secret organizations were formed, composed of officers 
of the confederate army, whose avowed object Avas to 
protect the rights of their companions, but whose secret 
purpose was demonstrated to be the destruction of the 
loyal element of Louisiana. As early as May 27th 
Hays' Brigade was organized to prepare for future Avork. 
Similar organizations, prej^ared for future emergencies 
all proclaiming their rule of action to be in unison with 
the i^rinciples of their former master, Jefferson Davis, 
and their ruler, Andrew Johnson. 

The rumors of conspiracy, armed organizations, and 
secret societies aroused many of the timid and Avatchful 
to the danger of the situation ; whispers of revenge 
uttered by the avowed enemies of " Yankees," " inno- 
vators," " negro Avorshippers," and the freedmen fell 
upon the ears of the alarmed loyalists of Ncav Orleans. 
To whom should they appeal ? Not to the Chief Execu- 
tive. His decrees had gone forth "to sustain the civil 
authorities." The civil authorities were the conspirators. 
To the military alone the defenceless looked for protec- 
tion. 

In the midst of danger the courageous Dostie knew 



282 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

no fear. He faced liis enemies with the same daring 
spirit with Avhich he liad petitioned General Twiggs for 
a pass in 1801, and passed his enemies, who sought every 
opportunity to insult him upon the street with stoical 
firmness. 

Said he : " I am reminded daily that my enemies seek 
my life and attempt to destroy my reputation. I am 
pointed at as a fanatic, an immoral man; am accused of 
every crime but that of disloyalty to my Government, 
and in the eyes of my enemies that is my greatest crime. 
But I have laith in my God, faith in my Government, 
and am in possession of a clear conscience. My ene- 
mies may be numberless, but my philosophy points me 
to a happy future." 

Surrounded by a despotism which proscribed Union 
men in their business, deprived them of their political 
rights ; endangered their lives, liberty and property, 
loyal men naturally sought relief from a tyranny that 
was depriving them of every blessing due to humanity. 
The basis of the Constitution of 1864 was liberty, jus- 
tice and equality. That basis was in harmony with the 
acts of a radical Congress. To that the loyal people of 
Louisiana appealed. At the mention of the Convention 
of 1864, delirium and fury seized the "reconstructed." 

According to the foUoAving resolutions adopted by the 
Convention of Nov. 1864, it was proposed to re-assemble 
that Convention in 1866. 

"■ Hesolved, That when this Convention adjourns, it 
shall be at the call of the President, whose duty it shall 
be to re-convoke it for any cause, or, in case the consti- 
tution should not be ratified, for the purpose of taking^ 
such measures as may be necessary for the formation of 
a civil government for the State of Louisiana, lie shall 



MONKOE KE-ELECTED MAYOK. 283 

also, in that case, call upon the propci- officers of the 
State to cause elections to be held, to till any vacancies 
that may exist in the Convention, in parishes "where the 
same may be practicable. 

^^ Jiesolvcd, That in case of the ratification of the con- 
stitution, it shall be in the power of the Legislature of 
the State at its first session, to reconvoke tlie Convention 
in like manner, in case it should be deemed expedient or 
necessary for the purpose of making amendments or ad- 
ditions to tlie constitution, that may, in the opinion of 
the Legislature require a reassembling of the Conven- 
tion, or in case of the occurrence of any emergency re- 
quiring its action." 

At this important crisis. Judge Abell of the Conven- 
tion of 1864, hastens to give the folloAving advice. 

"New Orleans, June 27, 18G6. 

''''Editors of the Picayune — If you believe Avith me 
that the attempt to reconvene the Convention of 1864 is 
unlawful and calculated to disturb the peace and good 
order cf the State, you will publish the following, that 
the people may know how stands the matter, I am bold 
to say I look upon the whole matter as a cons2:)iracy 
against the constitution and people of the State. 

" I am clearly of the mind that the Convention of 
1864 has filled its mission and is a lifeless body, and that 
it cannot and will not be reassembled by constitutional 
or legal authority. But if Avithout constitutional or 
legal authority, it should do so, I will then, as I now 
do, protest in the name of the people and State of Lou- 
isiana, against touching the constitution of 1864 without 
the consent of the people, expressed at the ballot-box or 
by the Legislature. 

" I am not an apologist of that instrument ; it was 
conceived in usurpation, and brought forth in eorrup- 



284 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

tion ; but like unto all huniau institutions, it has some 
good points, and Avill answer all the purposes of a State 
government until the people shall, by deliberation and 
exjDerience, adopt a constitution to accord with their 
wishes and interest under the changed state of political 
and social order. 

" Yours, resj^ectfully, E. Abell." 

The concentrated wrath of the leading rebel organ in 
New Orleans, in view of the daring of loyal citizens, 
finds vent in the following words : 

"The Jacobins of 1864 are at work. They are in 
league with a Jacobin Congress and seek to overturn 
our Democratic Govei-nment." In 1866, the press of 
New Orleans, Avith but two exceptions, (the Tribune, 
edited by colored men, and the Advocate edited by the 
Rev. J. I'. Newman) Avas identified with the enemies of 
liberty and loyalty. 

Outside of the men and measures connected with 
" our cause " and " my policy," nothing relating to poli- 
tical or philanthropic movements escaped the vile attacks 
of the press. The Freedman's Bureau, the Civil Rights 
Bill, Republican ideas, the oflficers of the United States 
army and navy. Congress, Philanthropists and Reformers, 
who opposed slavery and rebellion all over the land 
were subject to their low scandal. Some of their vile 
epithets were, " The Rump Congress," " The Rump Con- 
vention of 1864," " The fool, Abe Lincoln," " The Beast, 
Butler," " The crazy fanatic Sumner," " The nigger wor- 
shipper Dostie," etc. 

The 4th of Ji;ly, 1866, was celebrated in the following 
manner in New Orleans, by the " Reconstructed Party " 



MONROE RE-ELECTED MAYOR. 285 

of that city. From the New Orleans J^ress, July 5th, 
we quote the following : 

" The ninetieth anniversary of the Declaration of In- 
dependence was celebrated in this city on Wednesday. 

" There was not a large attendance at the Fair 
Grounds on the morning of the Fourth. 

"About noon, at the central stand, the few hundred 
people in attendance were called to order, and Mayor 
Monroe was introduced as the presiding officer. 

" In presenting to the audience Mr. I. N. Marks, 
President of the Firemen's Charitable Association, as 
the reader of the Declaration of Independence. Mayor 
Monroe took occasion to say that he differed from one 
expression of opinion in that document to the effect that 
" all men were created equal," The nigger could not be 
considered the equal of the white man ; and as the writer 
of the Declaration, Mr. Jefferson, was a slaveholder, it 
stood to reason that he never could have meant to in- 
clude the nigger in that assertion." 



286 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 



CHAPTER XXVn. 

CALL FOR A CONVENTION. 

On the Tth of July, Judge Howell issued the following 
proclamation : 

Whereas, By the -wise, just and patriotic policy de- 
veloped by the Congress now in session, it is essential 
that the organic law of the State of Louisiana should be 
revised and amended so as to form a civil government in 
this State in harmony with the General Government, 
establish impartial justice, insure domestic tranquility, 
secure the blessings of liberty to all citizens alike, and 
restore the State to a ]>roper and permanent position in 
the great Union of States, with ample guarantees against 
any future disturbance of tliat Union. 

AjkI v)hereas. It is provided by resolutions adopted on 
the 25tli day of July, 18G4, by the Convention, for the 
revision and amondmeut of the Constitution of Louis- 
iana, that when said Convention adjourns, it shall be at 
the call of the President, whose duty it shall be to re- 
convoke the Convention for any cause ; and that he shall 
also, in that case, call upon the proper officers of the 
State to cause elections to be held to fill any vacancies 
that may exist in the Convention, in Parishes where the 
same may be practicable. 

And whereas, at a meeting held in New Orleans, on 
the 26th of June, 1866, the members of said Convention 
recognized the existence of the contingency provided 
for in said resolutions, expressed their belief that the 
wishes and interests of the loyal people of this State 



CALL FOR A COISTVENTION. 287 

demand the reassembling of the said Convention, and 
requested and duly authorized the undersigned to act as 
President i^ro teni for the purpose of reconvoking said 
Convention, and in conjunction Avith liis Excellency the 
Governor of the State, to issue the requisite proclama- 
tions reconvoking said Convention, and ordering the 
necessary elections as soon as possible. 

And lohereas further, it is important that the proposed 
amendments to the Constitution of the United States 
should be acted upon in this State within the shortest 
delay practicable. 

Now, therefore, 1 RuFUS K. Howell, President j)ro 
tern of the Convention, as aforesaid, by virtue of the 
power and authority thus conferred on me, and in pur- 
suance of the aforesaid resolutions of adjournment, do 
issue this, my Proclamation, reconvoking the said " Con- 
vention for the Revision and Amendment of the Consti- 
tution of Louisiana," and I do hereby notify and request 
all the Delegates to said Convention to assemble in the 
Hall of ihe House of Representatives, Mechanics' Insti- 
tute Building, in the City of New Orleans, on the Fifth 
Monday, (thirtieth day of July, 1866,. at the hour of 12 
M., and I do further call upon his Excellency the Gover- 
nor of this State to issue the necessary wi*its of election 
to elect Delegates to the said Convention in Parishes 
not now represented therein. 

Done and signed at the City of New Orleans, this 
seventh day of July A. D. 1866, and of the Independ- 
ence of the United States the ninety-first, 

R. K. Howell, 

President pro tem. 

Attest : JoHX E. Nellis, Secretary. 

On the same day that the above proclamation was 
issued, the National democratic Committee, of New 
Orleans, met at St. Charles Hotel, and adopted the fol- 
lowing resolutions : 



288 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

1. Ixesolved, That avc highly approve of the recon- 
struction policy of President Johnson 

2. licsolvcd^ That the political principles of the Radi- 
cals in Congress ai-e unconstitutional and revolutionary. 

3. Resolved, That we cordially approve of the pro- 
posed call of a National Union Convention at Phila- 
delphia. 

July 27th, 1866, Governor Wells issued a proclamation 
commanding an election to be held by the qualified 
voters for delegates to the Convention for the revision 
and amendment of the Constitution of Louisiana. 

Governor Well's action in the tragedy of July 30th, 
is another proof of his vascillating, criminal course. One 
day a professed Unionist, the next an enemy to his Gor- 
ernment and loyal subjects ; one day crushing loyal 
men, another day elevating them ; one month exerting his 
power to abolish the Constitution of 1864, the next 
changing his plans, and issuing a proclamation reassem- 
bling the Convention of 1864. Did Governor Wells 
foresee danger? Was he the dee^^est plotter in the 
great Conspiracy ? General Sheridan in his letter to the 
the Honorable Secretary of War, E. M. Stanton, thus 
delineates the character of Governor Wells : 

" I say now unequivocally that Governor Wells is a 
political trickster and a dishonest man. I have seen him 
myself, when I first came to this command, turn out all 
the Union men who had supported the Government, and 
put in their stead rebel soldiers, some of whom had not 
yet doffed their grey uniforms. I have seen him again 
during the July riot of 1866, skulk aAvay where I could 
not find him to give him a guard, instead of coming out 
as a manly representative of the State and joining those 
who were preserving the peace. I have watched him 



CALL FOR A CONVENTIOlSr. 289 

since, and his conduct has been as sinuous as the mark 
left in the dust by the movement of a snake. 

" I say again that he is dishonest." 

The New Orleans Times thus comments upon Gov- 
ernor Wells' proclamation — the Secretary of State, etc. : 

" It is quite confidently stated that the Secretary of 
State will refuse to affix his signature and the seal of the 
State to the proclamation of the Governor ordering elec- 
tions to be held to fill vacancies in the so-called Conven- 
tion of 1864. The Secretary will be fully justified in 
refusing to connect himself with so lawless and revolu- 
tionary a proceeding — so flagrantly criminal an act. 

"Meantime oflScial notification has been sent to the 
President at Washington, informing him of the conspi- 
racy of the Governor and others to overthrow the gov- 
ernment and institutions of the State by a lawless and 
revolutionary act. J. Add. Rozier, Esq., is also present 
at the Federal Government, to represent to the Presi- 
dent the proposed wrong and indignity to our State. 
We have little doubt that the President will take such 
action as will arrest these reckless conspirators and agi- 
tators and protect the people from their evil designs. 
There is a peculiar appropriateness in the selection of 
Mr. Rozier for this mission," 

The following notice aj^peared in one of the city 
papers on the morning of July 2'7th : 

" Friends or Fredom Rally ! — Universal Suffrage ! 
A grand mass meeting of citizens who are in favor of 
universal sufi'rage, of the reconstruction policy of Con- 
gress, and of amending the Constitution of this State to 
give equal rights to all without distinction of race or 
color, will be held on Friday night, July 27, 1866, at 8 



290 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

o'clock, at the Mechanics' Institute. Distinguished 
speakers will address the meeting. Union men, come in 
your might and power." 

Said the late Adjutant-General of the State of Louisi- 
ana, John L. Swift, who descended from his radical plat- 
form of 18G4 to how at the footstool of the Chief Ex- 
ecutive of the nation in 18G5 : 

" Revolixtion in Louisiana had a brave and determined 
leader in Dr. A. P. Dostie. He was a man of unques- 
tionable courage. lie was honest and fearless. He 
possessed many admirable qualities, and he was a revo- 
lutionist by nature. In works and acts he was a fan- 
atic." Alas! that some of that honest and fearless 
" fanaticism " could not have been imparted to his 
friend John L. Swift, who apparently sympathized in all 
his fanatical acts in 1864. 

"Fanatic!" was the cry when Sumner was struck 
down by Brooks in the United States Senate. The same 
cry was heard when Lovejoy was murdered by the ene- 
mies of free speech. When Lincoln fell by the hand of 
an assassin, the dark pall of woe hung over the nation. 
There was silence in the ranks of the enemies of the Re- 
public, but secret joy that another "fanatic" in the 
cause of universal liberty had become a victim to the 
national conspiracy. 

For a time that conspiracy was paralyzed before the 
Nation's woe, but, under "My Policy," was revivified. 
" The Conflict of Races " was incorporated into the re- 
construction measures of Andrew Johnson. Negro suf- 
frage and its advocates in 1866 were to the returned 
rebels what freedom and Abraham Lincoln were to slave- 
holders in I860.- Conspiracy and murder are the oflT- 



CALL FOE A CONVENTION. 291 

springs of slavery. In 1860 Jefferson Davis defended 
the spirit of slavery. In 1866 Andrew Johnson defended 
the same demoniac spirit, and warmed the dying viper 
into life that it might strike its fangs into the vitals of 
the Republic. 

The following invitation was sent to Dr. Dostie on tho 
morning of the 26 th of July : 

"New Orleans, La., July 25, 1866. 
To Br. A. P. Dostie : 

Sir : The friends of universal suffrage will hold a 
meeting in this city at the Mechanics' Institute on Fri- 
day evening, the 2'7th inst., at 7 o'clock p. m., for the 
purpose of endorsing the policy of the present Congress 
relative to the Southern States and the call for the re- 
assembling of the Constitutional Convention of Louisi- 
ana. You are respectfully invited to be present and ad- 
dress the meeting. 

By the Committee. 

On the night of the 27th of July a meeting of loyal 
citizens was held in Mechanics Institute for the purpose 
of endorsing Congress and to discuss the call for the 
i-eassembling of the Convention of 1864. It is to be 
regretted that Dr. Dostie's sf)eech at Mechanic's Insti- 
tute was not fully reported as his enemies have taken 
advantage of that fact, and misrepresent his words upon 
that occasion. AYe annex the following report of the 
meeting : 

"New Orleans, July 28th, 1866. 

" By far the most enthusiastic meeting which had as- 
sembled in New Orleans for many years, met last night 
at the Mechanics' Institute, or State House. The meet- 
ing was composed of ' citizens who are in favor of uni- 



292 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

vci-sal suffi-age, of the reconstruction policy of Congress, 
and of amending the Constitution of this State to give 
equal rights to all, without distinction of race or color." 

" Long before the time announced for opening the 
meeting, the large hall of the House of Representatives 
was crowded to its utmost capacity, and a large and 
anxious crowd assembled in the street, in front of the 
State House, where a stand was erected and a separate 
meeting subsequently organized. The inside meeting 
Avas called to order by Judge Ilcistand, United States 
Commissioner, who nominated ex-Governor Ilahn as 
chairman. Vice-Presidents composed of prominent Union 
men from all the districts and j^arishes in the State, were 
elected." 

The following resolutions were read and adopted : 

liCsolved, That the 75,000 citizens of Louisiana quali- 
fied to vote, but disfranchised on account of color, 
20,000 of whom risked their lives in her behalf in the 
war against the Rebellion may claim from her as a right 
that pai'ticii^ation in the Government which citizenship 
confers. 

I\esolve<7, That Ave endorse the proposed reassembling 
of the Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, seeing in 
tliat movement a reasonable hope of tlie establishment 
in the State, of justice for all her citizens, irrespective 
of color, and also of the enforcement of that patriotic 
declaration of President Johnson, " That treason is a 
crime, and must be made odious, and that traitors must 
take a ba^k seat in the work of reconstruction." 

liesolved, That Ave commend the course ])ursucd by 
Judge IIoAvell and GoA^ernor Wells, Avho, regardless of 
threats, personal violence and unmoved by the ridicule, 
censure and attempt at intimidation of the rebel press 
of the city, rise to the bights of the occasion in the 
performance of acts of duty. 



CALL FOR A COIfVENTION'. 293 

Mesolved, That tlio thanks of the loyal men of Lou- 
isiana are due to Congress, for the firm stand taken by 
that Honorable Body, in the matter of reconstruction, 

Jiesolved, That the military and naval authorities of 
the Nation are entitled to our gratitude fox* the security 
aiForded us. 

Mesolved, That we approve the call issued by the 
friends of the Republican Party to assemble in Philadel- 
phia on the 1st Monday in September next, and Ave re- 
commend, that on the 8th of August next, a Convention 
assemble in this city to select delegates to represent this 
State in the Philadelphia Convention. 

Hesolved, That until the doctrine of the political 
equality of citizens irrespective of color is recognized 
in this State there will be no permanent peace. 

Gov. Halm, on taking the chaii*, spoke as follows : 
" Fellow- Citizens : Although it is not my province to 
address you on this occasion, I cannot resist the temptation 
to express to you my appreciation of the honor which I 
feel in being called to preside over this meeting. The 
days of the slave oligarchy, of Confederate Provost- 
Marshals, when colored men could not come together to 
deliberate over public aifairs, has, thank God, ceased to 
exist. [Applause.] As President Lincoln and the 
Union army Avere unable to restore the Union until the 
colored men came to their aid, so the Union men of this 
State feel that they cannot maintain the principles of the 
union of the States without the aid of the patriotic col- 
ored men. [Applause.] I remember the day when the 
teacher of a colored school in this city was ruthlessly ar- 
rested and died in prison on a charge of being an aboli- 
tionist, and every time I pass that old church where he 
used to teach, I feel that there are men still living who 
have the spirit that animated him. [Applause.] The 



294 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

cause wluch we are liere to-night inaugurating in Lou- 
isiana i« a great and holy cause, and the rebels are trem- 
1)1 ing in their shoes in consequence. They are realizing 
the fact that this is a country to he ruled by loyal men, 
both white and black. There was a time when the term 
' Abolitionist ' was considered a shame, but I stand be- 
fore you to-night, raised and educated as I have been in 
the South, and tell you that I glory in being an Aboli- 
tionist and a Radical. [Applause.] When I went to 
Washington last fall, my Union friends in Louisiana did 
not come up to the mark of universal suffrage ; but when 
I came back a few months later, the outrage which had 
been heaped upon them by the rebel Government here 
had brought them to the mark, and now no man can 
justly claim to be a Union man unless he favors univer- 
sal suffrage. 

" I would rather every office in the State was in the 
hands of colored men than in the hands of unrepentant 
rebels. [Applause.] It is to you that the loyal men of 
the South must look, and when you separate to-night, 
make up your minds from this day forward you are as 
good as any white man in the State." [Great cheering.] 

Hon. Rufus Waples next addressed the meeting, re- 
viewing the policy of Congress and the President, as 
follows : " Congress recognizes the right for the people, 
ill their primitive capacity, in those States destroyed by 
the rebels, to make their own organic law, and submit it 
to Congress, and leave it to Congress to decide whether 
it be consistent with the organic law of the republic. 

" The President says all these States have a right to 
send their Senators and Representatives to Congress as 
before. If this were true, they might have sent them 



CALL FOR A CONVENTION. 295 

during the war as well as now. The rebels clahn in 
eftcot that there has been no war. But let them look 
around at the desolation they have caused, and they Avill 
see their mistake. All loyal men indorse the policy of 
Congl'ess. It ill becomes the chivalrous men of the 
South, as they call themselves, to talk of the injustice 
administered to them by the Government which they 
tried to destroy. If they do not like the Government, let 
them go to Brazil or Mexico. They say they were over- 
powered. Have they just found out that in this coun- 
try the prime principle is that the majority shall rule. 
Are they any better than the loyal black man who 
fought for his country ? I say take the whole masses of 
the colored people in Louisiana, and they are better edu- 
cated than the rebels are — not in Latin and Greek — but 
in polities, and that is the necessary education required 
by a voter. You have learned two important lessons — 
to hate slavery and to abhor treason. Moral voters are 
more needed by the Government now than intellectual 
voters. Congress and the convention of 1864 both favor 
universal suflrage. We have now no constitution in this 
State, and you are in your primitive capacity. Then 
you have already acquired the right of suftrage — you 
have not got to acquire it. But you are hindered in ex- 
ei'cising it, and the object of the convention is to i-emove 
these hindrances in conjunction with your friends at the 
Xoi'th." The speaker concluded by paying tribute to the 
efforts made by Sumner, Phillips, and others at the 
North in the cause of universal suffrage, and assuring 
his audience that their efforts Avould not be in vain, and 
that the great object before them would soon be accom- 
plished. 



296 LIFE OF A. P, DOSTIE. 

The outside meeting was called to order by Mr. 
Judd, who nominated Judge Hawkins as chairman. 

Hon. John Henderson was introduced, and s23oke at 
considerable length. He said : 

" The convention will meet. He, as a member, wanted 
no arms. He had the arms of the State and the arms of 
tlie military authorities. The convention and the con- 
stitution liad been supported by two Presidents, and by 
the army and navy. 

Judge Heistand spoke as follows : 

" Fellow- Citizens : The decree of God has gone forth 
that tliere shall be universal freedom and universal suf- 
frage throughout the South, The men who got up this 
war eftectcd emancipation, and by the course which they 
are now pursuing they will be forced to yield universal 
suffrage. 

He spoke of the convention, and said, in substance, 
that if the Executive of the State needed anything to 
enforce the law, that power was liere. The great power 
of American citizenship was in obeying the laws. 

"He asked whether there was any justice in allowing 
25,000 to have all the political power and do all the vo- 
ting for 00,000 men in the State ? Congress is abused 
for not admitting the Representatives from the Soutli by 
the mass of tliose who have but recently returned from 
fighting against the very Government in Avhich they 
claim a representation. They have the modesty to say : 
' We'll do all the voting — you'll do all the Avorking.' 

"TJie Rev. Mr. Horton held uj) an advertisement of an 
Accident Insurance Company, with Gen. Johnston at its 
head, and hence he thought they were all safe here. He 
alluded to the scene in Boston when Anthony Burns, a 



CALL FOR A CONVENTION. 297 

fugitive slave was marched clown State street, surrounded 
by a cordon of bayonets, to be caiTied back into slavery, 
and regarded the present scene as a contrast. We are 
here to-night as preliminary to reconvoking the conven- 
tion of 18G4 and 1866. 

" Dr. Dostie closed the outside meeting by an eloquent 
speech, which Avas apjjlauded to the echo, and the vast 
crowd, at his request, commenced forming with those 
from the inside meeting, for the torch-light procession, 
which was one of the grandest and most enthusiastic dis- 
plays of the kind which has ever taken place in this city. 
At least 5,000 loyal disfranchised citizens formed in com- 
pact columns, and with bright torches, to the sound of 
loyal music, marched down Canal street, making the air 
resound with cheer upon cheer, for universal suffrage. 
Congress, and the convention which is about to assemble 
to give them suffrage. 

" The steady march and stalwart forms of those com- 
posing the procession afforded unmistakable evidence 
that they had battled for the Union, and were deter- 
mined, if necessary, to fight again for the right of suf- 
frage, without which their freedom is but an empty 
sound." 

Said William Lloyd Garrison at a public recejjtion 
given him in England : 

" One of the most gratifying incidents of my life was 
to have been invited by the United States government, 
together with my dear friend and coadjutor, George 
Thompson, to accompany General Anderson to Fort 
Sumter, to see the star spangled banner once more un- 
furled on its walls. 

" We went into Charleston, meeting with a very cor- 



298 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIB 

dial reception at the hands of the freed men, who ex- 
temporised a procession of a mile or a mile and a half 
long, and composed of old and young, and with a band 
of music they marched us through all the principal 
streets of that city, singing ' John 13rown's body lies 
mouldering in the grave, but his soul is marching on.' 
[cheers] — and giving cheers for Abraham Lincoln and a 
good many other persons. I began the Anti-Slavery 
cause in the North in the midst of brick-bats and rotten- 
eggs : I finished the struggle on the soil of Carolina, in 
Charleston, almost literally buried beneath the wreaths 
and flowers whicli were heaped upon me." 

The same liberty-loving spirit which led Garrison to 
rejoice in the freedom of humanity in Charleston, ac- 
tuated Dostie and his friends, on the night of the 27tli 
of July — when he marched at the head of thousands of 
free colored men, and assembled around the Statue of 
Henry Clay on Canal street, New Orleans — to sing 
praises to the memory of John Brown, and to exult over 
their future prospect of political rights. 

Previous to the meeting of July 30th, Mayor Monroe 
wrote to the Commanding General the following letter : 

" Mayoralty of New Orleans, ) 
City Hall, July 25, 1866. j 
" Brevet Major-Gen. Baird, Commanding, etc. 

" General : — A body of men, claiming to be mem- 
bers of the Convention of 1864, and whose avowed 
object is to subvert the Municipal and State Govern- 
ments, will, I learn, assemble in this city on Monday 
next. 

" The laws and ordinances of the city, which my oath 
of office makes obligatory upon me to see faithfully exe- 
cuted, declare all assemblies calculated to disturb the 



CALL FOR A CONVENTION". 299 

public peace and tranquility unlawful, and, as such, to 
be dispersed by the Mayor, and the participants held 
responsible for violating the same. 

" It is my intention to disperse this unlawful assem- 
blage if found within the corporate limits of the city 
by arresting the members thereof and holding them ac- 
countable to existing municipal law, provided they meet 
"without the sanction of the military authorities. 

" I will esteem it a favor, General, if, at your earliest 
convenience, you Avill inform me Miiether the projected 
meeting has your approbation, so that I may act accord- 
ingly. 

" I am, General, very respectfully, 

" John T. Moneoe, Mayor." 

To that letter General Beard replied as follows : 

" Headquartees Department of Louisiana, 
ISTeav Orleans, La., July 26, 186G. 
"Hon. John T. Monroe, Mayor of the City of New 
Oi"leans. 

"Sir: I have received your communication of the 
25th instant, informing me that a body of men, claiming 
to be members of the Convention of 1864, are to assem- 
ble on Monday next. 

^ ^ % :ic ^ ^ ^ 

" You believe it to be your duty, and it is your inten- 
tion, to disperse this assembl)', if found Avithiu the cor- 
porate limits of the city, by arresting the members 
thereof, and holding them accountable to the existing 
municipal laws, provided they meet without the sanc- 
tion of the military authorities. 

" As to your conception of the duty imposed by your 
oath of office, I regret to dift'cr from you entirely. I can- 
not understand how the Mayor of the city can under- 
take to decid(i so important and delicate a question as 
the legal authority upon which a Convention, claiming 
to represent the people of an entire State, bases its 
action. 



300 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

" This doubtless will, in due time, be properly decided 
upon by the legal branches of the United States Gov- 
ernment. 

****** 

" If ihese persons assemble as you say is intended, 
it Avill be, I presume, in virtue of the universally con- 
ceded riglit of all loyal citizens of the United States to 
meet peaceably and discuss freely questions concerning 
their civil governments — a riglit which is not restricted 
by the fact that the movement proposed might terminate 
in a change of the existing institutions. 

" Lawdess violence must be suppressed, and in this 
connection the recent order of the Lieutenant General, 
designed for the protection of citizens of the United 
States, deserves careful consideration. It imposes high 
obligations for military interference, to protect those 
Avho, having violated no ordinance of the State, are en- 
gaged in jDeaceful avocations, 

"I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
" A. Baird, Brevet Major General, 

Commanding Department of Louisiana. 

July 28th the following letter Avas sent to the Secre^ 
tary of War : 

Headquaeters Department op Louisiana, } 
New Orleans, La., July 28, 186G. f 

To the Hon. M 31. Stanton, Secretary of War, WasJiing^ 

ton, D. C. : 

A Convention has been called, with the sanction Oi 
Governor Wells, to meet here on Monday. The Lieu- 
tenant Governor and city authorities think it iiidawful, 
and propose to break it up by arresting the delegates. 
I have given no orders on the subject, but have warned 
the parties that I should not countenance or permit such 



CALL FOR A CONVENTION. 301 

action without instructions to that cifect from the Presi- 
dent. 

Please instruct me by telegra]ih. 

A. Baird, 
Brevet Major-General Com. 

Judge Abell had denounced the meeting of the Con- 
vention of 1864 as unlawful, and in his charge to the 
jury, had pronounced its members criminals before the 
law. 

On the morning of July 30th the following appeared 
in the city papers of New Orleans ; 

Washington, July 28, 1866. 
Albert Vborhies, lAeut.- Governor Louisiana: 

Sir : The military will be expected to sustain, and not 
obstruct or interfere with the proceedings of the Courts. 
A dispatch on the subject of the Convention was sent to 
Governor Wells this morning. 

Andrew Johnson. 

Mark the contrast ! 

The last public act of Abraham Lincoln sustained the 
loyal people (black and white) of Louisiana. The one 
act more infamous than any other in the administration 
of Andrew Johnson was that act in which he sought to 
crush the friends of his predecessor in Louisiana. 



302 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

MASSACRE OF JULY 30TH, 186G. 

At 12 o'clock of tlie night of July 29th the police 
were withdrawn from their beats and assembled at their 
respective station-houses ; and, besides the weapons usu- 
ally \ised by policemen, each was given a large-sized 
navy revolver. Thus armed, they were held at the sta- 
tion-houses to await orders. In addition to these mea- 
sures others had been taken by Harry T. Hays, Sheriff 
of the Parish of Orleans, ex-General of the rebel army, 
pardoned by the President to enable him to assume that 
office. He reorganized a portion of his old brigade as 
deputy sheriiTs, and they were oi'dered to be in readi- 
ness on that occasion. They were doubly armed with 
revolvers, and prepared to act with all the efficiency of 
military discipline. 

On the morning of July 30th, as the members of the 
Convention and their friends started to go to Mechanics' 
Institute, they discovered an unusual excitement, which 
deterred many from going. Crowds of citizens x;pon 
the streets appeared disturbed and restless. They were 
seen to whisper from time to time, to look at each 
ofher and, with looks of scorn and contempt, seemed to 
bid defiance to the members of the Convention and 



THE MASSACRE. 303 

their friends. Says Judge Howell, President of the 
Convention : " A few minutes past 12 o'clock the meet- 
ing was called to order. Prayer was offered by the 
Rev. J. W. Horton. The roll was called amid perfect 
silence ; only twenty-five answered to their names. A 
motion to adjourn for an hour was adopted for the pur- 
pose of procuring the attendance of many of the mem- 
bers of the Convention known to be in the city. It 
was expected that several days might be occupied in 
obtaining a quorum. I did not expect the military to 
protect the Convention. I could not realize the proba- 
bility of disturbance. Those comprising the Conven- 
tion had a right to meet as they did, and could not be 
properly disturbed in that right, unless they abused it 
by a violation of law and public order. Surely, twenty- 
five men meeting in the capitol building could do very 
little towards overturning the government of the State 
of Louisiana. It is wonderful how much terror they 
created among the recent destroyers of the State and 
National governments. The members of the Conven- 
tion had learned that a Grand Jury in Secession on u^^' 
that day might under the charge of Judge (Abell) 
indict them as an unlawful assembly, and that Sheriff 
(Hays), might arrest them, and it was understood 
among them that, although there was no law against 
such assemblies, they wauld quietly submit to any at- 
tempted arrest, however unwarranted by law, give bail, 
and proceed in their efibrts to obtain a quorum." 

With the United States flag floating over Mechanicb' 
Institute, surrounded by the United States, army 
and navy, that Convention was left to the mercies of 
an armed mob. Lincoln rested in his tomb. Butler was 



304 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIK. 

powerless to save. Sheridou was not in the midst of 
the danger. Beard had not studied the plottings of 
the great Conspiracy. Justice slumbered, and Treason 
triumphed over the liberties of Louisiana. 

The State officials of Loi;isiana, the municipal officers 
of New Orleans, Avitli the armed policemen and fire 
companies under control, (all reconstructed under the 
policy of Andrew Johnson), knew that the victims of 
treason were defenceless in Mechanics' Institute, Avhen 
thousands rushed upon the Convention assembled in its 
walls to crush the friends of liberty and equal rights. 

When the attack was made by the mob, many of the 
members of the Convention and their friends had gone 
into the city, as a recess had been given. Judge Howell, 
Governor Hahn, Dr. Dostie, Alfred ShaM', Esq., Dr. Hire 
and the Rev. J. W. Ilorton, were cpiietly conversing with 
their friends when the shouts of the crowd outside the 
building, pursued by the mob, Avere heard in the streets. 
Negroes, followed by the excited mob, sought refuge 
inside Meclianics' Institute. A rush was made fur the 
door of the Convention room. Alfred Shaw, ex-Sheriff 
of Orleans, was requested to inform the police, who were 
in pursuit of the crowd, " that inside the Hall no re- 
sistance would be made to any loyal officers claiming 
the right to make arrests." Mr. Shaw was met by 
that police with shouts of " Kill him!" "Kill him!" 
" Shoot the Scoundrel ! " Wounded and exhausted, he 
was hurried to jail and thrown into a cell. 

The terrible massacre outside the building progressed ; 
hundreds of the defenceless were Avounded, others bru- 
tally murdered. The Sergeant of Arms had barri- 
caded the doors of tlie Convention Chamber, but soon 



THE MASSACRE. 305 

policemen and citizens made a rush at tlicm and broke 
them in. A volley of shots were poured in upon the 
defenceless inmates by their enemies. 

The Rev. J. W. Horton attempted to hold up a 
United States flag in token of non-resistance. AY hen 
it was recognized, policemen exclaimed, "Not one of 
you shall escape here alive ! " and the noble Horton 
was shot, saying : " We oifer no resistance ; we surren- 
der ! " Then followed scenes of blood and carnage 
which can never be revealed. The assembly room was 
filled with the wounded and dying, whose cries and 
groans mingled with the oaths and demoniac laughter of 
their murderers. Shouts of Jefferson Davis and An- 
drew Johnson fell upon the ears of the dying victims of 
"My Policy." Numbers who came to Mechanics' In- 
stitute with those who loved liberty and deliglited in the 
policy of Abraham Lincoln, died on that terrible day by 
the bloody hordes of the supporters of Andrew John- 
son, who had declared that " The civil authorities must 
be sustained." 

They were sustained, and loyal hearts ceased to beat. 
Thousands of the reconstructed, under the policy of 
their leader, rent the polluted air of New Orleans on 
that day with shouts of victory over loyalty. Said an 
eye-witness of that terrible scene : 

" The Convention had been broken up an hour ago — 
if that were the object of Mr. John T. Monroe and his 
rebel soldier policemen. The negro procession had been 
scattered, its leaders killed, and dozens of innocent 
negroes struck by the same hapless fate, if that were 
their object. But still the authorities and citizens con- 
tinued the riot. 



306 LIFK OP A. P. DOSTIE. 

" An innocent negro carrying a roll of cotton samples 
under his arm, quietly passed the St. Charles Hotel. 
Four hackmen pounced upon him, began beating the 
frightened non-resistant, and collected a crowd. A po- 
liceman rushed up, and without a word of inquiry, dis- 
charged every barrel of his revoh'cr at the prostrate 
negro, who kept crying : ' Arrest me, I'^ve clone nothing / 
arrest one, but for GoeVs sake don'' t kill me in coldhlood.'' 
To the amazement of the crowd every shot missed him. 
" But," exclaimed a reputable citizen — let the expression 
be set down torever to his honor with those who know 
him — " if I'd a pistol, I'd have killed the miscreant po- 
liceman." 

" Carts M'ere constantly j^assing, laden with the bodies 
of murdered negroes. In one I counted six ; many had 
two and three. All were greeted xcitli laughter ; occasion- 
ally one evoked a cheer. Now and then a carriage 
passed with some wounded white man, and not unfre- 
quently the crowds would make a rush upon him to see 
if he were one of the obnoxious Kadicals. 

" One fell thus near the noted millinery-shop of Mad- 
ame Sophie, a few doors below Blelock's bookstore. A 
gentleman — so far as clothes go and general demeanor — 
stepped out from the sidewalk and dcA'oted a minute or 
two to vigorously kicking the dead body. A bystander 
made some expressions of horror and disgust, when a 
policeman turned sharp on him with ' Are you one of 
them, sag ? ' He protested that he Avas not. ' He lies,' 
exclaimed another; ^ he's a yankee soldier ! '' The luck- 
less person protested that he Avas not ; the policeman 
fiercely questioned him, and at last allowed him to escape 
on the express ground that lie ''guessed he \casn''t a Fcde- 



THE MASSACEE. 307 

ral soldier after dlV This occurred in sight and hearing 
of at least one late General of our army, loho stood on 
an adjacent upper verandahP 

Said another eye-witness of that revolting scene : 

" I was standing on the corner of a street near Me- 
chanics' Institute, when great cheers came up from the 
Institute, and a dense mob crowded along Common 
Street toward the St. Charles Hotel. As they ap- 
proached, we could make out four policemen with 
cocked revolvers, and in their midst, with hat knocked 
off, with coat nearly torn from his shoulders, with blood 
clotted over his head and about his neck, with citizens 
rushing at him, striking at him, shouting, ' kill him ! ' 
partly limping and partly jerked along by the infuriated 
policemen, came Michael Hahn, ex-Member of the United 
States House of Representatives, ex-Governor of Louisi- 
ana, and United States Senator elect from the Legisla- 
ture of Louisiana — the man to whom Abraham Lincoln 
confidently wrote that * negro suffrage might yet, in 
some hour of peril, help to keep the jewel of Liberty in 
the family of Freedom ! ' In ten minutes he was lying 
bleeding and feverish in a cell of the city jail! 

" My companion and myself ' moved on.' In less than 
a square, a regiment in blue — thank God for the color 
at last ! — came up Canal Street on the double quick, 
and obliquing from side to side, left no rioters behind 
the artillery. 

"A Union ex-Major General walked down, an hour 
later, to demand of Mayor Moni'oe, in the name of 
common decency and humanity, the release from the 
stilling jail where these wounded men still lay, of Gov- 
ernor Hahn, Sheriff Shaw^ Dr. Dostie, and the rest. He 



808 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE, 

was met by the smiling Mayor with the inquiry ' if tltf, 
thing hadnH been pretty v^ell done f ' While he was 
getting his question fitly answered, in walked Cavalry 
Kautz, 

" ' Is this Mr. Monroe ? ' 

"'Yes, Sir.' 

" ' I am directed. Sir, to relieve you of any duties as 
Mayor of the city, and assume command as military 
governor. Yourself and other officials Avill await my 
orders.' " 

Night drew her sable curtain over a scene of woe. 
Tlie first act of the terrible tragedy of July 30th had 
been performed. A stroke of "My Policy" had been 
struck. The reconstructed had made use of a 2:)0werful 
argument in favor of the " Conflict of Races." The jails, 
police stations and hospitals of New Orleans bore evi- 
dence of that "conflict." The dead, the dying, those 
who mourned over their murdered fathers, brothers, hus- 
bands and friends, were all evidence of that " conflict." 
The agony of despair revealed by those who sought in 
vain to find the mangled remains of their loved ones, 
who had left their homes in the morning with hopeful 
hearts to be murdered by the enemies of liberty, knew 
that their sorrow was caused by the " Conflict of Races." 
They required no arguments to be convinced of the 
simple logic of " My Policy " and the triumph of the 
demon cpirit of Slavery over Liberty. 

Mayor Monroe and his colaborers, with their thuggery 
principles, had carried out their programme, upheld by the 
Chief Executive, who had declared that the " Civil au- 
thority must be sustained." Mechanics' Institute, in the 
capital of Louisiana, Avas a slaughter house, where the 



THE MASSACRE. 309 

city police and the reconstructed had "svaded in the 
blood of their victims. Said one who had looked into 
Mechanics' Institute after the massacre : " The floor of 
the Convention room was covered Avith the blood, limbs, 
hair and brains of human beings, at which policemen 
and citizens laughed Avith fiendish pleasure. The hall and 
stairway dripped with human gore. The sidewalk was 
covered with blood and tattered garments." 

At police stations and in the streets, citizens and 
policemen looked upon their dying victims ; heard their 
cries for water, and pleadings for mercy without render- 
ing them any assistance. " Let the wx*etches die," they 
exclaimed with a fiendish laugh, and the innocent vic- 
tims of despotism perished with their pleading eyes 
fixed in vain upon their relentless murderers. 

At the jails, and at the gates of hospitals many lay 
in the agonies of death. When policemen and citizens 
were asked if nothing could be done to relieve in some 
measure their sufferings, the reply was, " We know 
our own business. The wretches ought to suffer." "For 
what?" was asked. A terrible oath was the only 
reply. 

The Rev. J. W. Ilorton, who had opened the Conven- 
tion with prayer, was shot, stabbed, and beaten by 
policemen until deprived of reason. He was then drag- 
ged to jail and thrown into a cell by order of the city 
officials, who in order to keep the peace of the city and 
" sustain the civil authorities, ordered the arrest of the 
rioters." Therefore, the dying Horton, among Avhose last 
conscious acts, Avas an appeal to the God of Nations to 
protect a Convention which had met to uphold the 
cause of justice, Avas thrown by his assassinators as a 



310 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE. 

rioter into jail. '■'•That was an act of justice!''' "The 
rioters must be arrested," said the Press of New Orleans 
the morning after the massacre. " The peace of the city 
must be jjreserved. The city authorities must be sus- 
tained." 

In another cell lay the Rev. Mr. Jackson, who had 
been beaten with clubs, stabbed, and left to die by his 
enemies. His groans were heard by a friend of suffer- 
ing humanity, in time to save him from bleeding to 
death from his terrible Avounds. 

In another cell, John Henderson, a member of the 
Convention of 18C4 and 1860, who had so nobly opposed 
Judge Abell in his attacks njDon Constitutional liberty, 
lay mortally Avounded, arrested as one of the rioters." 

In a distant part of the city lay the lifeless body of a 
German Federal officer. Captain Loup in the morning 
said to his wife, " There is no Government I cherish as 
this Republic." 

That noble German was sacrificed for his love of 
the American Republic. " So much for your uniform," 
was the cry of his rebel murderers, as they dealt their 
death blows. The lifeless body of Captain Loup was 
carried home in a cart followed by a mob. It was 
thrown upon the floor before his loving wife. She lay 
imconscious of her woe, beside the lifeless form of her 
beloved husband, with her children clinging to their 
widowed mother. The mob tore from her person — her 
watch and rings — tokens of affection given her by her 
husband. Captain Loup did not live to be arrested by 
the " reconstructed." 

Revenge, no doubt, was sweet to Judge Abell, Mayor 
Monroe, and other officials, acting under new "recon- 



THE MASSACRE. 311 

struction measures." These traitors reposed that night 
in the calm conviction, " that the civil authorities 
had been sustained," and the " conflict of races " com- 
menced Avith so little loss to "our cause." 



312 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIK. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

i)R. dostie's death. 

On the morning of the 30th of July, 1866, Dr. Dostie 
went to the Mechanics' Institute, conscious that his ene- 
mies desired liis destruction. With no faith in Andrew 
Johnson, the unrei^entant rebels, the City authorities, 
or the authorized bands of jiolicemen ; ujion tlie military 
alone he relied. 

Said he, "my enemies may assassinate me as they 
have often threatened, but the Convention has nothing 
to fear in j^resence of the United States army." Dr. 
Dostie Avas closely watched by the conspirators. He 
had been so surrounded by the snares of his enemies, 
that whatever movement he made, whichever direction 
he took seemed a step towards death. " Dostie is 
marked !" " Dostie Avill never make another sj^eech !" 
"Dostie shall never come out of the Mechanics' Insti- 
tute alive !" with many similar expressions were j^roof 
that his destruction Avas the aim of the conspirators. 
He was an impediment to the plans of rebels in New 
Orleans. " We now have Dostie and his Conven- 
tion friends where we Avant them," said Lucien Adams 
and his band of policemen, as they saAV their syste- 
matic organizations ready for action. An alarm was 
given by bells — such as had been ordered by Monroe 



DR. DOSTIE S DEATH. 31t3 

when General Butler approached the city in 1SG2 — and 
five hundred armed policemen, and comj^anies of fire- 
men armed and equipped for murderous action, com- 
bined Avith a mob of citizens, rushed from different parts 
of the city to Mechanics' Institute, to commence their 
massacre upon its defenceless victims. Upon hearing 
confusion in the street, a gentleman said to Dr. Dostie, 
" A jjoliceman has fired upon a negro, he is begging 
for mercy." He replied, " we cannot j)reyent it, m'c are 
defenceless." 

When the mob rushed to the Convention room, Dr. 
Dostie forgetful of self, exclaimed to the excited crowd 
Avithin, " Be quiet and seat yourselves ujjon the floor, 
WG shall soon be protected by the military. The United 
States flag Avaves oaxh* us." 

When the mob commenced firing upon the members 
of the ConA'ention and its friends, he said, " What do 
you Avant ? HaA'e you an order of arrest ? We sur- 
render." "They Avill kill us. We had better try and 
save oursehxs," said a friend. Dr. Dostie replied, *' I am 
Avounded ; we Avill beg for protection," 

He Avent to the door Avhere he met the infuriated mob 
and asked them to spare his life. He Avas knocked doAvn 
by a bi'ick-bat and shot — dragged doAvn stairs by the 
hair of his head and throAvn upon the paAxment. Citi- 
zens and policemen gathered around the seemingly life- 
less body of their victim and thrust it Avith their SAVords. 
Urged on by the mob, ncAvs-boys pierced his head Avith 
penknives. The chiAMlry shot and stabbed him, and 
shouted for Jefferson Davis and AndreAV Johnson. Said 
an eye witness to this scene, General Alfred L. Lee, an 
oflicer of Cavalry under Banks and Sheridan : 



314 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

" There was a noble man "wlio represented the Radical 
sentiment of the city — Dr. Dostie. He Avas not a mem- 
ber of tlie Convention, but he was in the hall ; he was 
struck with a brick and knocked down. Policemen were 
standing near, but instead of arresting the assaulter they 
stepped up to Dr. Dostie and deliberately fired into the 
body of the defenseless man. A citizen standing by, 
drew his sword from his cane and thrust it into his body. 
Still the doctor was not dead, and was dragged by the 
police through the crowd and placed in a common dirt 
cart. I saw this myself. One policeman sat on his body 
and one sat near his head. The poor man attempted to 
raise his head, and I saw the policeman lift his revolver 
and strike him on the face." 

Said another eye Avitness, an Ex-Major General in the 
United States army : 

" I saw four j^olicemen bear out the seemingly lifeless 
body of Dr. Dostie, (an earnest, sincere patriot, a pre- 
eminent Free Mason, and a gentleman against whose 
character no true charge was ever brought) his head 
hung down till it almost dragged xipon the pavement, 
blood was streaming from his wounds, and marking the 
path by which he was borne. Around his inanimate 
form the mob rushed and blasphemed. At last a cart 
was reached and the body thrown in ; before it was 
reached several blows had been rained npon the bleeding 
body. The news flew among the rioters that Dostie 
was killed, the tidings were received with cheers and ex- 
pressions of positive delight. ' Yes,' said the i-econ- 
structed all over the city : ' Dostie has fought our cause 
for years, and noAV we have our revenge.' " 

Another rioter had been arrested and must be taken 



DE. DOSTIE S DEATH. 315 

to the police station. Nearly two miles from the Me- 
chanics' Institute, opposite Jackson's Square, in which 
the monument stands, erected to the memory of Jackson, 
upon which in 1SG2, General Butler caused to be engra- 
ven the words, "The Union must and shall be preserved," 
the mangled bleeding body of the patriot Dostie was 
taken, and in sight of that monument erected to the 
memory of one he had cherished, he was thrown upon 
the stone pavement in front of the police station by the 
enemies of his Govermnent — to perish. For hours he lay 
on that pavement suffering the agonies of death. Six 
rebel physicians passed him only to mock at the agonies 
of the dying martyr. A friend of suffering humanity 
desired to raise his head at the request of Dr. Dostie, 
but was not permitted to do so by the policeman who 
guarded his " prisoner." Governor Hahn upon hearing 
where Dr. Dostie had been conveyed, requested his sister 
to go to his friend and take him to some place of safety. 
She hastened to the police station in her carriage, and 
found the Dr. in a dying condition. Said he, " I am 
dying, tell my friends to bury me by my beloved wife, 
my only love." The Dr. was interrupted by the wretch 
who was guarding him, "Dr. Dostie is imder arrest and 
cannot be removed without an order from the city 
authorities," said the chivalric policeman. The order 
was obtained, and the Dr. was removed to the Hotel 
Dieu, where he was tenderly and thoughtfully cared for 
by friends. " Never would Dostie have lived to have 
been carried to Hotel Dieu had we known that he was 
in the hands of his friends," said his enemies. Destiny 
had not decreed that the last moments of the noble 
Dostie should be spent in listening to cheers for Jeffer- 



310 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

son Davis and Andrew Johnson. On the night of July 
oOth, the dying patriot was surrounded by friends wlio 
prayed earnestly that he might be spared to labor for 
his beloved cause. His noble heart, patriotic life and 
unselfish course, had endeai*ed him to his numerous 
friends, who vainly hoped that his assassinators might 
be cheated of their victim, and the reformer be spared 
for future usefulness. 

Said the unselfish Dostie on that night, " I am grateful 
for the kindness of my friends, but there is danger in 
your remaining with me. Place yourselves under mili- 
tary protection. I cannot recover; my enemies have 
miirdered me; I forgive them all. I should be glad to 
sec the end of the great conflict between freedom and 
slavery !" Upon the suggestion of a friend that his 
mind might act with greater power in another world 
than in this, and that he might be conscious of the pass- 
ing events of this world, he smilingly replied, " What a 
consoling thought, and in a better woidd I shall meet the 
spirit of my beloved wife, who for years has been wait- 
ing for me to meet her in Heaven. To night, I trust in 
her Saviour !" 

A wounded policeman was taken to Hotel Dieu, who 
occupied a room near that of Dr. Dostie's. The Dr. upon 
hearing his expressions of pain, inquired who was suffer- 
ing ? "A policeman, perha2')S, one of your murderers," 
was the reply. " Go," said he, " and see if the agonies 
of that man can in any way be relieved. If I forgive 
my murderers, should not my friends do the same." Six 
days Dr. Dostie lived after he had been mortally wounded, 
to prove to the world that he Avho had been proclaimed 
a " fanatic," could die a Cliristian, a patriot, and a philo- 



DR. dostie's death. 317 

sophcr. Weak from the loss of blood, suiferiiig at times 
the most intense agony from his numerous wounds, he 
yet insisted i;pon seeing his friends, who came in crowds 
to receive a parting word from one who had ever greeted 
them with kindness. Said he, " I am dying, and I do not 
wish my friends to feel that I do not appreciate their 
kindness in coming to see me." Never speaking of his 
own sufferings, his constant anxiety was for his wounded 
friends. Daily, as the sister of Governor Hahn adminis- 
tered to his dying wants, did he question her about her 
brother, Mr. Shaw, and others of the wounded, saying, 
" Do not deceive me, I want to know if they are in 
danger." 

An allusion to the massacre, and the sufferings of his 
white and colored friends, was exceedingly painful to 
him. Said he, " Justice will avenge the sufferings of 
the colored race." Some colored friends called to en- 
quire after the Dr. " Let them come to me," said he. 
" I want them to know that I sympathize with them in 
their afflictions." " I shall die for their cause, and they 
will remember me kindly." During a week of intense 
suffering, not an impatient word was uttered, not a mur- 
mur escaped his lips. Said the dying Christian, " I 
await my death with perfect resignation. I know that 
I may die any hour as my friend and physician Dr. 
Avery has informed me, that my death may be very 
sudden from the nature of my wounds. The change of 
worlds will not be unpleasant to me. My trust is in 
the Rock of Ages." 

On the morning of Dr. Dostie's death, he requested a 
friend to write several letters, that he desired to dic- 
tate. Said he, "write to General Butler, that in my 



318 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE, 

opinion, had lie been in New Orleans on the 30th of 
July, that massacre Avould not have occurret]. 

Write to General Banks, that my dying request to him 
was not to forget the cause of the colored man and 
liberty in Louisiana. Write to my mother, brothers and 
sisters, that I remember them in my dying hour with 
aifeetion." 

On Sabbath morning he seemed to have recovered 
strength. Many of his friends had hopes of his recovery, 
and thinking quiet was what he required, he was left to 
the care of one or two friends and the Sisters of Hotel 
Dieu. While conversing pleasantly Avith a friend, he 
suddenly exclaimed : " I am dying. I die for the cause 
of Liberty. Let the good work go on." With his fine 
eyes irradiated, he lifted an arm heavenward and with 
a placid smile, suddenly ex2:)ired. 

Such was the death of the liberty-loving Dostie. Said 
he, "I loved liberty when a child." "I die for the cause 
of Liberty. Let the good work go on," were his last 
words. At the tidings of his death, sadness fell upon 
the hearts of his friends, but strange to relate, the ve- 
nom of his enemies was re-enkindled at the announce- 
ment of the death of their victim — that venom was 
throAvn into the columns of every rebel newspaper in 
New Orleans, to be quoted by the press in sympathy 
with the rebellion througout the country. 

The most scurrilous articles were set afloat when Dr. 
Dostie lay upon his dying bed, utterly j^owerless to 
defend the truth. Some of those articles were read in 
liis presence. Said he, " Do my enemies j>ersist in fol- 
lowing me to the grave with their scandal ? When will 
the enemies of liberty learn to be just and write the 



DR. dostie'b death. 319 

truth ?" To the grave tliey followed their victim with 
falsehood, and calumny. His friends proposed that his 
funeral should take place at Mechanics' Institute, and 
the military be invited to protect the funeral procession. 

"If there is any demonstration over the body of Dostio 
it shall bo torn into a thousand pieces, and his friends 
shall meet his fate," were the words of the infuriated 
murderers of July 30th. 

Consternation and fear filled the hearts of his mourn- 
ing friends, who would gladly have followed the re- 
mains of their friend to his last resting place. Many 
said, " Let vis remain at home that the body of our 
friend may repose in peace." 

The following is from the pen of Henry C. Dibble, 
Esq., who followed the remains of the lamented Dostie 
to the grave, published in the Advocate, edited by the 
Kev. J. P. Newman : 

" On the evening of the Gth day of August, a few of 
the friends of Dr. Dostie followed his remains to tlic 
tomb. The occasion was one of unusual solemnity, and 
when glancing around upon the faces of those dozen or 
more friends of the murdered man, you could not but 
be impressed with the de2:)th of feeling expressed — a co- 
mingling of poignant sorrow and just indignation. 

" The burial ceremonies were performed by the Rev. 
Mr. McDonald of the M. E. Church. His remarks were 
few yet touching; calm, but very forcible. No one 
present felt like speaking. When the heart is oppressed 
by grief the lips refuse to give utterance thereto. The 
sorrow we felt was not of the nature which Ave experi- 
ence when lamenting the removal of a friend by the 
natural visitation of Death — when we can attach no 



320 LIFE OF A. P. IJOSTIE. 

blame upon man. But while our tears fell upon the 
bier of our friend, "vve could not but dwell upon the 
atrocious crime, which had snatched liim from our side ; 
:.nd then a choking indignation demanded justice. 

" lie was a popular man in eveiy sense of the term. 
Earnest in his labors, fervent in his attachments, true to 
his word, and generous towards all, he gathered about 
him a host of friends, and at the same time, as all men 
of positive character must, gained not a few enemies. 

"As a public speaker, the Dr. Avas forcible and intensely 
earnest, his native talent and earnestness in denounc- 
ing wrong ; his honesty of purpose and consistency of 
action enabled him to carry conviction when others 
would have failed. In politics he seemed to agree with 
a distinguished humorist of the day. "If you are right, 
you cannot be too radical." IToAvever, he was not the 
agitator which his enemies would represent him to have 
been. Bold as a lion and loving truth for truth's sake, 
he denounced error and the advocates of wi'ong in terms 
of bitterness. Much had been said about his speeches 
a few nights before his murder ; his words stung his 
enemies because they were pointed with the steel of 
truth. But he did not speak in the terms which the 
papers of this city represent. They willfully misstate 
his language, and for this are jointly responsible loith 
those who committed the or hue for his murder. 

" Socially, Dr. Dostie was genial and obliging. In 
appearance, he Avas a handsome man ; of medium height, 
straight as an arrow, and well formed, with a dark 
piercing eye which seemed to flash at times with en- 
thusiasm. 

" He was stricken down in the prime of life, not be- 



DR. DOSTIe's death. 3 21 

cause his mui'derers bore liim personal malice, but be- 
cause lie held and advocated political opinions conflict- 
ing Avith their own. He died a martyr in the cause of 
Iniman rights." 

The following is the announcement of the death of 
Dr. Dostie in the Tribune., a paper edited by colored 
men in New Orleans : 

"Dr. A. P. Dostie died of wounds received at the 
Mechanic's Institute, Monday, July 30th, 18G6, by the 
rebel spirits who ruled in that dark hour of the reign of 
terror. lie died for a principle, and tliat principle is 
the right of suffrage to the colored men, and the right 
of Union men to govern the State. He died on Sunday 
at half past five o'clock p. m. Calmly and nobly did 
he bear his fearful wounds ; and nobly said, ' if those 
principles could be sustained he would die content.' 
They shall succeed ! " 

The folloAA'ing is taken from the New Orleans Thnes, 
edited by Wm. C. King, who has immortalized his name 
by his unceasing labors in the cause of Andrew John- 
son's reconstructed : 

" Dr. Dostie, wounded at the riot of Monday last, ex- 
pired yesterday near half past five o'clock. 

"Death came upon him sudden as a thunder-slroke; 
came to him when not a single friend but the attending 
Sister of Charity was at his bed-side. Before 7 o'clock 
the Hotel Dieu swarmed with them." 

Common humanity, suggests the propriety of treating 
death with a respect due to civilization. But that spirit 
Avhich has ever reveled in the blood of the victims of 
despotic slavery, fearful of the exposure of conspiracy 
and crime, assailed one in his grave, -whose spirit had 



322 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE. 

passed beyond the limits of the cruel vengeance of his 
enemies. The name sacred to Liberty was held \\p, 
Avliile yet the blood of Dostie stained the streets of New 
Orleans, by the vindictive press of that city as one linked 
Avilh "fanaticism, revenge and riot." Before the grave 
coidd receive the mangled remains of the murdered 
victims, the conspirators liad prepared their scurrilous 
articles for the press, hoping thereby to shield their 
crimes from an enraged nation, who saw the spirit of 
Free Institutions outraged in the massacre of July 30th, 
and in the reconstruction measures of Andrew Johnson, 
the revival of the Spirit of Slavery. 

We quote the following article from the New Orleans 
Times on the riot of July 30th: 

"The incendiary teachings of a pestilent gang of 
demagogues have produced their natural fruits — tumult 
and bloodshed. Fearful indeed is the responsibility 
which rests on the heads of those who have been con- 
cerned in the great crime of attempting to overturn all 
civil authority among us, and of superseding it by a 
wicked usurpation. 

" A band of poor, deluded negroes, urged on by un- 
principled white men, have,\infortunately for themselves, 
been the t)rincipal sufferers. Armed with pistols, clubs 
and razors, they collected in great numbers in the neigh- 
borhood of Mechanics' Institute, for the avowed pur- 
pose of defending the revolutionary Jacobins who had 
raised the banner of negro sufiVage, and the result of 
their folly is sorrowfully apparent. 

"The riot was commenced in every instance by 
negroes, spurred on by Avhite men, and it is highly 
creditable to the police of the city that they succeeded 



DR. dostie's death. 323 

in quelling it without any military aid. Many of tlicni 
were wounded, but it is not likely that the results Avill 
prove fatal in more than two cases. 

" And so the. Convention of 1864, which commenced 
in usurpation, has ended in riot and bloodshed. As Mr. 
Roselius declared yesterday : " Every participant in the 
treasonable scheme should be arrested and sent to jail.' 
This, it must be remembered, is not the opinion of a 
political adventurer, but of a grave jurist, an original 
Union man, a sober, quiet citizen of the highest respect- 
ability." 

On the 2d day of August, Judge E. Abell, true to his 
mission in the reconstruction measures of the Chief 
Executive, charges the jury as folloAvs: 

" Gentlemen, if you are satisfied that a riot has 
taken place in the city of New Orleans, then I charge 
you that it is the duty of all peace officers of the State 
to assist in suppressing tlie riot, using no more force and 
violence than is necessary ; and it is the diTty of every 
citizen to aid the officers of the law, using the like cau- 
tion, and if it becomes necessary to slay one or more of 
the rioters in order to put it down, it is not murder but 
excusable homicide. If more force and violence was 
used than Avas reasonably necessary upon the circum- 
stances of the case, then the party using the excess will 
be guilty of murder, manslaughter or assault and bat- 
tery, according to the circumstances of the case, and the 
nature, fierceness and magnitude of the riot to be sup- 
pressed." 

The following is an announcement in the New Orleans 
Times of the progress of the foul conspiracy : 

" Sheriff Hays last evening began the re-arrest of the 



324 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

members of the ex-Convention and i:»articipants in the 
riot, whose release from custody by General Baird has 
already been noticed. Judge R. K, Howell, 'President 
pro tem,' and O. H, Poynot, were released by Judge 
Abell upon bonds of |1500 each. G. H. Flagg was still 
in the Parish Prison at 9 o'clock last night, unable to 
procure the necessary amount of bonds ; also several 
others in the same predicament. We suppose those who 
are now at large will be taken to day, and be held to 
answer for their revolutionary proceedings." 

The editor of the New Orleans Times attempts in the 
following to quote the Avoi'ds of the dying Dostie as 
evidence of an insurrectionary spirit : 

" The conspirators, whose recent attempt to over- 
throw the State Government and usurp the reins of 
230wer was defeated in so disastrous and lamentable a 
manner, have incautiously uttered expressions on several 
occasions which confirm a fact of which those who in- 
vestigated their movements were previously convinced, 
viz: that a portion of the preconcerted plot was to 
cause the shedding of blood — a collision between whites 
and blacks. Dr. Dostie has given additional proof of 
this fact in a recent declaration at the Hotel Dieu. 

" On Tuesday Colonel De Witt Clinton, of General 
Baird's staff, and Recorder Ahern visited Dr. Dostie to 
take his dying declaration. The Picayune recoxints the 
following incident of the visit : 

'"He inquired in regard to John Henderson, Jr., and 
was told that he was dead. He })aused for a moment, 
and remarked : 'Well, it is a strange coincidence. We 
were born upon the same day, and embarked in the same 



DR. dostie's death. 325 

glorious cause. I had reason to be apprehensive, to fear 
a bloody attack, but not he. Strange ! ' " 

We turn from the enemies of loyalty and liberty and 
welcome the vindicators of truth, patriotism and justice. 
In the following letter of Mr. Dibble he denies the false 
assertions of the New Orleans Times'. 

" New Orleans, August 4, 186G. 
" Editor Times : 

" Sir : Your accustomed falsification of truth, in the 
evening edition, cannot pass over imnoticed. You say, 
speaking of the members of the Convention and other 
loyal citizens Avho were shot down by the police : ' Wo 
know not a single one of them who is not forced to 
admit, when cornered by direct question, that he was 
conducted safely from the building," etc. Now, sir. Dr. 
Dostie states, in his dying declaration, that he was shot 
down, cut, beaten, and left lying in the street by the 
police. The Rev. Mr. Horton was shot and beaten by 
the same pei'sons. Mr. Fish, whose statement will be 
found in the Advocate, which I send you, was shot by 
policemen, to whom he surrendered himself And fur- 
ther, sir, I have heard as many as twenty persons say 
that they saw policemen shoot negroes who were un- 
armed and making no resistance. 

" You should beware, sir, how you falsify facts, for the 
investigations now going on Avill prove to the Avorld 
what we in New Orleans know, that you have no respect 
for truth, and lack the ability to hide your falsehoods. 

" Let me commend to your perusal the Advocate. 
Yours, etc., 

Henry C. Dibble." 

At the Dental Convention in Boston on the 3d of Sep- 



826 LIFK OV A. P. DOSTIE. 

tcnibor, Governor Bullock was present and made a 
speech in which lie said : 

'' I have, for the last two or three days, in reading the 
account of the most deplorable occurrence in a remote 
city of this Union, had my attention dii-ected to the fact 
so striking, so sad, and so educational to us, that an 
eminent member of your profession. Dr. Dostie, of New 
Orleans, fell by tlie hands of a populace angry with him 
because he was exercising the rights of an American 
citizen. I trust and believe that the same spirit of de- 
votion and loyalty to freedom and the Government of 
the country which animated his heart, animates the 
hearts of alltlic members of his profession." [Applause.] 
/-« Said Itufus "Wo^ples in an address before the Execu- 

v^ tiA'e Committee of the Ilepublicans of Louisiana on the 

8th of August, 18GG : 

" The cause of colored suffrage is not new in Louisiana. 
After the redemption of New Orleans from rebel rule, 
the cause awoke from its slumber. I will not recount 
the history of its progress. To-day we behold it cut 
down, but not destroyed. It has been stricken doAvn by 
the hand of organized assassination, some of its noblest 
advocates have given their lives for the cause. Let it 
be remembered, ' The blood of the martyrs is the seed 
of the Church.' 

" Truth crushed to earth will rise again. 
The eternal years of God are hers. 
While error wounded writlies in pain. 
And dies among her worshippers." 

"'I am Avilling to die,' said the brave and magnani- 
mous Dostie to me on the day of liis death, ' if my death 
shall promote the cause of Liberty.' He felt that it 



DK. dostie's death, 027 

Y\'oulcl yet live ; and ho, with that spirit of xxnselfish 
devotion for which he "was remarkable, seemed perfectly 
reconciled to his fate. I answered, ' I hope you are, in 
other respects, willing to die.' He said, ' That is all 
right — I have made my peace — that is all right.' 

" I paid to him, ' Dr. Dostie, I remarked yesterday to 
some friends that you are the man, who, in case of yel- 
low fever, small-pox or cholera ej^idemic, would work 
night and day, and risk your life for a friend — and I 
believe you would do it for an enemy.' He promptly 
plied, ' I would do it for the rebels.' I trust that 

" The sunset of life gave him mystical lore 
And coming events cast their shadows before ;" 

that he saw the God of Justice vindicating his preroga- 
tives, and the cause which he loved, succeeding in the 
future. 

" I saw Rev. Dr. Horton die. I was with him an hour 
before his death, and witnessed his last agony. He died 
a martyr for that Christian religion which teaches the 
great doctrine of human brotherhood. The eloquence 
of his prayer to the King of Nations had scarcelj^ ceased 
to echo from the walls of the people's RejD resent ative 
Chamber ; his touching allusion to the assassination of 
the beloved and lamented Lincoln had scarcely ceased 
its thrill in loyal hearts, when this brave and true soldier 
of the cross was summoned to join the noble army of 
martyrs. If not a sparrow falleth to the ground unno- 
ticed, the fall of this noble man will not be in vain. His 
blessed Master fell a victim to the mob because he 
preached unwelcome truth,- but the cause of human 
brotherhood still lives, and we advocate it to-day." 



328 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

In a letter of Genernl F>aiilcs lie tluis writes of Dr. 
Dostie : 

" I knew him well. Xo eountry ever gave Lirth to a 
more nnselfisli man, a truer ])atriot, or a more devoted 
friend of liberty. He and liis associates were dangerous 
men to the enemies of this country. The unseen hand 
that smote him was that which applied the torch to the 
city of New York, and by Avhich Lincoln fell. His death 
Avill be avenged, and in this, as in all trials of good men, 
the blood of the martyrs will be the sustenance of the 
church." 

General Butler in an address delivered in New York, 
thus vindicates his friend and the cause of justice: 

'' I now remember a man who came to me in New 
Orleans and took me by the hand and with tears in his 
eyes said, ' I thank God that you have come; I bless 
God that your flag waves over me again — the symbol of 
justice and protection of my country,' and yet I have 
seen that man murdered in cold blood. That murdered 
man was Dostie, the best and purest Union man tliat 
ever trod the soil of Louisiana, for he periled his life, 
when he had no hope, in defense of the flag. I speak ■ 
with feeling, for he was one of my best and staunchest 
advisers and aided me by all means in his power. As 
long as I had a command, my flag sheltered him and 
every other man Avithin my territory. And that that 
man should be murdered Avith that flag flying over him 
— not to him an emblem of poAver and protection — and 
Ave be told that these men are our brothers. [Ap- 
plause.] The rattlesnake may be a brother of the cop- 
perliead, but not mine — not mine ! And Avhat Avas his 
offense ! He AA'ent to a convention to discuss their rights 



DR. DOSTIe's death. 329 

as T\-c are assembled here to-night, a right guaranteed by 
the Constitution of the United States, and under the 
protection of the flag. 

" The whole North was aroused l)y the New Orleans 
massacre, following up, as it did, the Memphis riot. 
President Johnson telegraphs to General Sheridan, put- 
ting what lawyers call leading questions to draw out a 
favorable answer. lie don't send on to General Sheri- 
dan, saying, 'come tell us all about this riot.' The Presi- 
dent's dispatch asked for as kindly a report as possible 
of the affair. 

" When the President asks General Sheridan if the 
civil power is sufllcient to take care of these men he an- 
swers : ' I should say emphatically they are not.' This 
is after the President had issued his proclamation of the 
18th of August that peace reigned and civil authority is 
sufficient protection for all citizens. I am sorry to see 
that in face of the facts that Horton the clergyman, 
Dostie the pure patriot, Loup and others are dead, and 
wounded men are coming North with the testimony of 
all these unavenged, with Northern people unprotected 
so that they are obliged to leave New Orleans, that the 
President has issued his proclamation that peace has ob- 
tained throughout all the land, and the civil courts are 
ample to protect life and liberty. And in the face of 
General Sheridan's emphatic disavowal of the ability of 
the civil authorities to protect the citizens, the President 
on the 18th of August turns over every Union man in 
the South to the mercies of the thugs, assassins and 
murderers of Lincoln and Dostie." 

At the Southern Loyalists' Convention which met at 
Independence Hall, Philadelphia, in September, 1866, the 



830 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

following resolutions offered by Colonel Moss of Mis- 
souri, were read and adopted : 

" W/ie7-eas, The lamented A. P. Dostie, of New 
Orleans, one of the true i)at riots who signed the call of 
this Convention, has been foully murdered since said call 
was issued ; we recognize the spirit of this faithful 
I'nionist as a delegate in this Convention, whose voice 
shall ever be remembered, and whose Avrongs shall never 
be forgotten until the principles he maintained shall per- 
isli from the earth. Be it further 

" Jiesolved, That this Convention wear the usual badge 
of mourning in memory of the brave friends of liberty 
who perished at New Orleans on the 30th day of July 
last, and that a copy of these resolutions, as a tender of 
sympathy, be forwarded to the families of those who 
perished." 



CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIOXS, 331 



CHAPTER XXX. 

CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS. 

On the 6th of December, 1866, Congress resolved : 

" That a committee be appointed to go to New Orleans 
and investigate into all matters pertaining to the riot of 
July 30th, 1866." That investigation resulted in the ex- 
clusion of the three prominent upholders of President 
Johnson's reconstruction measures in Louisiana. The 
following letter from General Sheridan explains that ac- 
tion : 

"Headquarters Fifth Military District, ) 
New Orleans, June 6th, 1867. f 
" To General TJ. S. Grant, Commanding Armies of the 

United States ; 

" General — On the 29th of March last I removed from 
office Judge Abell, of the Criminal Court of New Orleans ; 
Andrew S. Herron, Attorney General of the State of 
Louisiana ; and John T. Monroe, Mayor of the city of New 
Orleans. These removals were made under the poAver 
granted me in what is usually termed the Military Bill, 
passed March 2'7th, 1867, by the Congress of the United 
States. 

" I did not deem it necessary to give any reason for 
the removal of these men, especially after the investiga- 
tion made by the military board of the massacre of July 
30th, 1866, and the report of the Congressional Commit- 
tee on the same massacre, but as some inquiry has been 



332 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

made for the cause of these removals, T slioukl respect- 
fully state as folloAvs: 

" The Criminal Court over which Judge Ahell presided 
is the only Criminal Court of the city of Ncav Orleans : 
for a period of at least nine months previous to July 30th, 
he liad been educating a large portion of the community 
to the perj)etration of this outrage, hy almost promising 
them no prosecution in his court against the oftcnders, in 
case such an event occurred. The records of this court 
•\vill show that he fulfilled his purpose, as not one of the 
guilty ones has been ])rosecuted. In reference to An- 
drew S. Herron, I considered it his duty to indict these 
men before the Criminal Court. 

" This he failed to do, but went so far as to attempt 
to impose on the good sense of the whole nation, by in- 
dicting the victims of the riot instead of the rioters, in 
other words, making the innocent guilty, and the guilty 
innocent. 

" He was therefore an abetter of and coadjutor with 
Judge Abell in bringing on the massacre of July 30th. 
Mayor Monroe controlled the element engaged in this 
riot, and Avhen backed by an Attorney-General who 
would not prosecute the guilty, and a Judge who ad- 
vised the Grand Jury to find the innocent guilt}'^, and 
let the murderers go free, felt secure in engaging his 
police force in the riot and massacre. With these three 
men exercising a large influence on the worst elements of 
this city, giving to these elements an immunity for riot 
and bloodshed, the General-in-Chief will see how inse- 
cure I felt in letting them occupy their positions in the 
troubles which might occur in registration and voting in 
the reorganization. 

" I am, General, very respectfully, 

" Your obedient servant, 

" P. H. SlIERIDAX. 

"Major-General, United States Army." 
In the place of Andrew S. Herron, B. L. Lynch 
was appointed Attorney-General of the State of Louisi- 



CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS. 333 

ana, a man identified with the Union cause in that State. 
In the place of John T. Monroe, Edward Heath was 
appointed as Mayor of New Orleans, whose sympathies 
every New Orleans loyalist knew to be in harmony with 
a radical Congress, and opposed to a policy that had 
permitted the policemen of New Orleans to murder 
hundreds of defenceless citizens. 

In the i^lace of Judge E. Abell, General Sheridan 
appointed under the new reconstruction laws of a radi- 
cal Congress, Major Howe, of the Federal Army, a 
man of anti-slavery and loyal principles, who could ap- 
preciate love of justice and order. 

Hon. B. Flanders was appointed under the Congres- 
sional reconstruction acts in place of J. Madison Wells. 

The following correspondence Avill explain Governor 
Wells exit from that high position Avhich he had main- 
tained with such undignified contortions under the eye 
of the Chief Executive. Upon the removal of Gover- 
nor Wells, for being an impediment in the way of the 
reconsti'uction laws of Congress — he writes to his suc- 
cessor as follows: 

" State of Louisiana, 
Executive Department, 
New Orleans, June 7, 1867. 
" Hon. B. F. Flanders : 

" I refuse to recognize the authority of General Sheri- 
dan to remove me from office, and I therefore decline to 
vacate the same. If put out by force, I cannot resist ; 
but I protest against the act of violence as an aggrava- 
tion of his unwarrantable proceeding in removing me 
from office. Kespectfully, 

J. Madison Wells, 

Governor of Louisiana. 



334 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

The following letter from General Shci'idan proved an 
effective missive : 

" IIeadquakters Fifth Militaiiy District, ) 
New Orleans, La., June V, 18G7. f 
"Mr. J. Madison "Wells, Ex-Governor of Louisiana, 
New Orleans, La. : 

"Sir — Governor Flanders has just informed me tliat 
he made an official demand on you for the records of the 
office which you have heretofore held as governor of 
Louisiana, and that you have declined to turn them over 
to him, disputing the right to remove by office from me, 
Avhich right you have acknowledged and urged on me 
up to the time of your own removal, I therefore send 
Brevet Brigadier General James W. Forsyth, of my 
staff, to notify you that he is sent by me to eject you 
from the governor's room forcibly, unless you consider 
this notitication as equivalent to objection, 

" P. IL Sheridan, 
Major General, U. S. Army, 
Commanding Fifth Military District." 

Upon the removal of General Sheridan, for these no- 
ble acts, by Andrew Johnson, President of the United 
States, General Mower, the Commanding General of 
the Gulf Department, appointed in the place of Harry 
Hays, Ex-Colonel of the Confederate Army, Dr. George 
W, Avery, as sheriff of New Orleans, Dr. Avery was 
a Surgeon in the United States Army, under General 
Butler, and during the massacre of July 30th, Avent to 
the police station, jails and hospitals, to attend the 
wounded and dying — was the friend and i)hysician of 
the dying Dostie and Ilorton. 

On the 4th of July, 1867, Mechanics' Listitute was 
crowded with white and colored citizens, who had met 
to celebrate the day consecrated to American Indepen- 



CONGEESSIONAL IXVESTIGATIONS. 335 

dence. On that day the Radical Congress of the Re- 
public was gratefully remembered by the vast assembly 
within Mechanics' Institute. On that interesting occa- 
sion ; after the reading of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, by H. C. Dibble, Esq., the Rev. J. B. Smith, an 
intelligent colored man from Boston, Mass., spoke as 
follows : 

"Fellow Citizens: — It becomes my pleasant duty 
to read to you, as next in order, another very com- 
mendable document — a fit appendage of the one to 
which you have just listened with so much interest and 
pleasure ; an instrument second in importance to no 
other ever promulgated by any Government. It imparts 
to the Fourth of July a character for honesty, eartnest- 
ness, and sincerity that it never enjoyed before, and 
makes it something more than a mere gala day for 
jjompous declaimers and arrogant rhetoricians. To the 
five millions of colored people in this country the de- 
claration of independence has a significance that it never 
possessed before. 

" We will ever hold in grateful remembrance the noble 
President who issued it ; we honor the Congress who 
had the justice to ratify it, and the people who have the 
will and the determination to observe and maintain it. 
I refer to the emancipation proclamation of President 
Lincoln." 

After the reading of the emancipation proclamation, 
an address was delivered by J. R. G. Pilkin, from 
which we quote the following: 

"One year ago to-day I stood as now within these 
walls and assisted in a commemoration welcome to every 
American citizen. The same declaration that you have 



336 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

heard this morning, was then as reverently read, and 
with glad Ionises we at last retired to our homes. But 
the month that dawned Avith such wholesome cheer 
closed with a sunset of fearful crimson ; our July is 
henceforth the solemn memory of both a benediction 
and a scar. Friends who sat upon this platform and 
upon these seats before me, communed then for the last 
time with us in this annual assemblage. They are to- 
day in their graves, dear to us by the fidelity of their 
lives, and still dearer by the brutality of their sacrifice. 
Yet the shot and stab of the assassin insured no lasting 
triumph except for those that fell — the valor of the one 
and the infamy of the other are historic. 

" But these martyrs were not all who last year crossed 
yonder threshold for the last time. There were like- 
wise hundreds of men from whose wrists the gyves had 
been smitten off — men, who sat here with hearts to 
aspire for and hands to defend our sacred liberties, and 
yet with brains to wonder that their skin was a bar to 
an equal enjoyment of them. To-day I see many of 
their faces again, but they have entered this hall new 
and different men — no longer freedmenbut freemen, equal 
with us in all things — a stern, loyal impulse in their 
souls, and a citizen's ballot within their hands. 

" Few local events ever so aroused the American 
people as the wanton massacre of July 30, 1866, and 
wrought so material a result. It became the cardinal 
text in the campaign last autumn of a score of the States 
of this Union — the angry admonition of each loyal con- 
stituency to its representative — the accepted symptom 
of a murderous rebel tempter, Avhich that representative 
should resent through his measure of reconstruction, 



CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS. 337 

and I am by no means extravagant Avhen I say that our 
national Congress caught the dying whisper of our 
Dostie, 'Let the good work go on,' and dipping its pen 
in the mingled blood of black men and white shed upon 
this spot, inscribed his solemn caution upon its legisla- 
tive page, and beneath it the bold and glorious decree 
of enfranchisement ! 

"We have gathered here as honest democrats, to 
grasp like true brethren the hands of all that are not 
recreant to a freeman's faith, and to thank God that we 
all may now render our first public acknowledgment 
that four millions of new freemen share with us hence- 
forth in the title to our national Declaration of Indepen- 
dence." 

On the 30th of July, 1867, a funeral ceremony in 
memory of the victims of July 30th, 1866, Avas observed 
at Mechanics' Institute. The oration on that occasion 
was delivered by Rufus Waples, Esq., from which we 
quote : 

" This is the first anniversary funeral of the patriots 
massacred here on the 30th of July, 1866, the day memo- 
rable as the culminating point of the lawless policy of 
him who had sworn to enforce the laAvs. 

" Within this hall, one year ago this day, sat an as- 
sembly of citizens, peaceably convened and peaceably 
inclined, gathered together for a lawful, patriotic and 
praiseworthy purpose. Suddenly they were surrounded 
and attacked by armed enemies of law, order and lib- 
erty ; suddenly they were made the victims of pre- 
concerted violence, and these walls resounded with the 
report of firearms, the heavy stroke of the bludgeons, 
the fall of the dead, the agonizing shrieks and groans of 



338 LIFE OF A, r. DOSTIE, 

the wounded and dying. Tlie floor ran blood. The 
j>rayers and expostulations of the innocent sufferers 
were drowned amid the oaths and execrations of the 
assailants. In vain was raised the flag of truce ; the 
minister of peace who bore it was ruthlessly shot down 
with the Avhite emblem in his hand. In vain was ex- 
hibited the banner of the country ; it only excited its 
enemies to deeper hate. The stunned, bleeding and ap- 
parently lifeless bodies of respectable and virtuous citi- 
zens kicked and spat upon by traitors — the bodie of the 
wounded thrown roughly into carts with the dying and 
dead, and hauled off" to hospitals and graves ; the sur- 
vivors of the carnage ruthlessly conveyed amid the jeers 
and Tuocking, the hisses and curses of crowds, to a filthy 
dungeon with the intent that they should be massacred 
at night according to the programme of the plotters. 
You remember it all ; you will forget it never. 

" Here fell the brave young Victor Lacroix, cut from 
head to foot, butchered and mutilated in the most shock- 
ing and barbarous manner. He had served with honor 
and distinction upon the field fighting for liberty and 
law, but his bright career of glory was thus suddenly 
arrested, and 

" ' Now lies he there, 
Marred, as you see, by traitors.' 

" Here fell Jean Baptiste, Henry Berquier, as faithful 
a citizen, as loyal a heart, as the country could boast, 
victimized by enemies of the Government just because 
he was faithful and loyal. He, too, had proved upon 
the field his devotion to the flag — that flag which, in 
the hands of a recreant Executive, had failed to pro- 
tect him. 



CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS. 339 

" Captain Loup, who had also faithfully served in the 
national army and had passed through the fiery ordeal 
unscathed, fell a victim to a dastardly stab in the 
bacTc. lie was a good officer, possessing the confidence 
of his superiors, and ever faithful to the cause of 
freedom. 

" Telesphore Auguste and Daley Duval, who had 
served three years in the 1st National Guards, and who 
had been honorably discharged, were here, in this hall, 
shot down like dogs, and then caited away and buried 
before their relatives and friends had had the poor satis- 
faction of looking upon their mangled remains. 

"Peace to the ashes of the brave soldiers ! The living 
will keep green the memory of Auguste and Duval, 
Berquier, Loup, and Victor Lacroix. Let their names 
be embalmed in the pulsating blood of your living 
hearts; let their deeds be written in letters of gold 
upon the scroll of fame ! Rest, noble champions of lib- 
erty ! Yes 

" On fame's eternal camping ground 
Your martial tents are spread, 
And glory guards with solemn round 
The bivouac of the dead." 

" More than a hundred victims of the massacre lin- 
gered in the Marine Hospital, wounded in almost every 
conceivable way, and the hearse was there a daily 
visitor. There the Rev. Dr. Horton died, going 
down with the sun in the stillness of a beautiful 
tSabbath evening. He was a gentleman of education 
and irreproachable character, a preacher of the gospel of 
])eaec to his fellow-men. Like his blessed Master he fell 
tlio victim of a mob. He had, by invitation, invoked 



340 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIK 

the blessing of Heaven upon the efforts of those who 
had convened here to promote the good of society. He 
liad bravely stepped forward when the armed policemen 
rushed into the door of this hall, and with his country's 
flag and a white handkerchief attached as the emblem 
of peace, he sought to prevent the effusion of blood. 
His latest act showed him to be a hero in his mission — 
the holy mission of love and human brotherhood. He 
was shot down with the national banner and the flag 
of truce in his hands, with words of peace upon his 
lips ! He died heroically in the van, a brave soldier of 
the cross. 

" Around his dying bed sat his disconsolate wife and 
a few weeping friends. Looking upon his last agony no 
eye could restrain its tears. He had suftercd a week 
from several wounds, most of the time being unconscious. 
Once, in a lucid interval, he said to his wife, ' I was not 
wrong, I cannot think I was wrong in consenting to> 
open the convention with prayer.' 

" His last hour was almost without a struggle ; he 
gradually sank to rest as a child closes its eyes in 
slumber. 

"So fades the ^summer's cloud away; 
So sinks the gale when storms are o'er ; 
So gently shuts the eye of day ; 
So dies a wave along the shore." 

" In another apartment of the Marine Hospital, John 
Henderson lay, chafing with mortal wounds. Pie had 
been long known in New Orleans as a lawyer well versed 
in the knowledge of his profession. His enemies were 
the enemies of his country, and they had not only cut 
him down because he loved it, but they then derided 



CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS. 341 

him, even in the public prints, for having once suffered 
from such mental malady as had affected some of the 
ablest jurists, sciotists, and philosophers whom the world 
has known. 

" After suffering excruciating pain for several weeks, 
John Henderson died, and his name was inscribed by the 
angel of liberty on the scroll of the martyrs. 

"Dr. A. P. Dostie died at the Hotel Dieu on the 
same Sabbath evening, and about the same hour that 
saw Rev. Mr. Horton sink to rest, Prominent as a 
Unionist all through the war ; active in every effort to 
call back the tide of lawlessness that was invading the 
land, he was long an object of malignant hate to the 
foes of liberty. His Spartan energy and perseverance, his 
Roman firmness and bravery, made him a shining mark for 
these assassins. They knew him by his manly voice 
and fiery eye ; they felt him by the electric shock which 
earnest men always convey to those about them. When, 
with bold step he walked out of this hall at the front 
door, and looked his assailants in the eye, had they been 
of the true chivalry, they would have admired his cour- 
age. When, all unarmed, he asked them to spare his 
life, had they been of the true chivalry, they would have 
stayed their hands. But the cry was, ' Kill him ! kill 
him !' with oaths and imprecations which cannot be here 
repeated. They added indignities to death. They trod 
upon what they supposed to be his lifeless body, and 
continued to add other wounds and bruises to those 
which were already mortal. Let us turn from the pain- 
ful scene. 

" On the day he died, when the lower half of his body 
was paralyzed, and when his last hour stole on apace, 



342 LIFE OF A. r. DOS'JIE. 

his reason was yet clear, and his mental energy i-einarka- 
l)le. Nobler sentiments never escaped dying lips than 
those uttered by Dr. Dostie. ' I want no one to avenge 
my death,' he said to the kind Sister of Charity who 
ministered to his wants. 

" With patriotism worthy of the dying Sidney, he 
said a short tim^e before he breathed his last, ' I am Avill- 
ing to die, if my death will pi'omote the cause of liberty.' 

" Some of you here were among the few who attended 
the burial of Dostie, at a time when even the solemn 
rites of sepulchre were in danger of outrage ; when the 
public prints were endeavoring to excite further perse- 
cution ; Avhen a public funeral of any one of the martyrs 
would have been in danger of demoniac assault. The 
time and place of Dostie's interment Avas not generally 
known, and among his hosts of friends, not many were 
present at the burial. A few words were spoken ; a fer- 
vent prayer was offered, and his mortal part was laid 
away in the narrow house, to rest till the last morn 
shall beam upon the world. 

" Others died and were buried. I cannot enumerate 
all. Some of them have friends to visit their graves, 
dressing them with flowers in the sj^ring, and Avatching 
them with paternal solicitude through all the year. Some 
are at rest whose sepulchres are known only to him who 
looks down and watches their dust till he shall bid it rise 
in the newness of immortal life. Scarcely less than a 
hundred killed, and four hundred wounded, Avas the 
result of the massacre. So far as possible the names of 
all the victims should be collected for inscription upon 
the proposed monument to the patriot martyrs." 



COJfGRESSIOXAL IXVESTIGxVTIOXS. 343 

" But are tliey dead ? What, they wliose souls liad 

power 
To scatter life around them as a shower ? 
Who did their deathless selves dispense so well 
That freedom, grew immortal where they fell ? 
Ah, no. As soon would mingle wave with flame, 
Or hate with love as death with hero's name." 

In faith, the American people look to Justice to vindi- 
cate, to establish, to make certain forever the republican 
principles upon which is erected a national structure, 
above Avhich floats the American flag, upon -which is en- 
graven a charter of rights to mankind, in letters of livmg 
light, so that prejudice shall not misinterpret them ; wil- 
fullness shall not misunderstand them, nor perversify 
whether of King or President shall dare to interfere 
to prevent their fullest fruition. " To this, republicans 
stand pledged by the teachings of our patriot sires now 
echoing through our country ; by the hallowed blood of 
our sons slain upon the battle field or starved in prisons ; 
by the sacred memories of the bleeding corpse of the as- 
sassinated Lincoln ; by the dying prayer of the murdered 
sainted Ilorton, the victim sacrificed on the altar of equal 
rights ; by the sole legacy of the pure patriot Dostie, 
massacred to establish wrong and sin, bequeathing to his 
mourning country in his last dying words — ' Let tlic 
good work go on !' " 

Yes, unnumbered, glorious heroes of the battle ! yes, 
thousands of sufiering patriots murdered in jjrisons, now 
beatified, seeing your lives were not sjient in vain ! yes, 
martyred President ! yes, sainted teacher ! yes, noble- 
minded patriot ! the good work by you begun, for which 
you laid down your lives, shall go on until every foot- 



C44 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE. 

print of wrong or oppression by man to his fellow man 
shall be blotted out forever ! 

" They slumber, and the stranger's tread 
May spurn our country's noble dead ; 
Yet, on the land they loved so well, 
Still shall their burning spirit dwell. 
Their deeds shall hallow minstrels' themes, 
Their image rise on Avarriors' dreams, 
Their names be inspiration's breath. 
Kindling high hopes and scorn of death. 
Till burs' s immortal from the tomb 
The flame that shall avenge their doom." 



APPENDIX. 



" We have passed the Red Sea of slaughter ; our garments are yet 
■\vet with the crimson spray. We have crossed the fearful wilderness 
of war, and have left our four hundred thousand heroes to sleep 
beside the dead enemies of the Republic. Before us is the land of 
promise, the land of peace, filled with possibilities of greatness and 
glory too vast for the grasp of the imagination. Let us as Repre- 
sentatives of the people, whose servants we are, bear in advance the 
sacred Ark of Republican Liberty, with its tables of the Law 
inscribed with the ' irreversible guarantees' of Liberty. Let us hero 
build a monimient on which shall be written not only the curses of 
the law against treason, disloyalty, and oppression, but also an ever- 
lasting covenant of peace and blessing with loyalty, liberty, and 
obedience, and all the people will saj'. Amen." — Hon. J. A. Garfield 
of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, 1866 



CONGRESSIONAL REPORT. 



APPENDIX. 



February 11th, 1867, Mr. Eliot from the select Com- 
mittee on the New Orleans Riots, made the following 

REPORT : 
"Mr. Eliot and Mr. Shellabarger, being a majority of the 
select committee appointed to investigate matters con- 
nected with the New Orleans massacre of July 80th, 
1866, and to report such legislative action as the con- 
dition of affairs in the State of Louisiana required, 
submit the report of the Committee as follows : 
"On the 6th day of December, 18G6, the House of 
Representatives passed the following resolution : 

" Mesolved, That a Committee of three members be 
appointed by the Speaker, whose duty it shall be to pro- 
ceed to New Orleans, in the State of Louisiana, to make 
an investigation into all matters coimected with the re- 
cent bloody riots in that city, Avhich took place the last 
of July and 1st of August, 1866, and particularly to in- 
quire into the origin, progress, and termination of the 
riotous proceedings, the names of the parties engaged in 
it, the acts of atrocity perpetrated, the number of killed 
and wounded, the amount and character of the property 
destroyed, and whether and to what extent those acts 
were participated in by members of the organization 
claiming to be the government of Louisiana, and report 
the flicts to the House ; and * * * to report such 



348 CONGRESSIONAL REPORT. 

appropriate legislative action as may be required in view 
of the condition of affairs in the State of Louisiana. 

" On the 10th of December the Committee was appoint- 
ed. They entered upon their duties on the following day, 
and proceeded to examine witnesses, citizens of Louisiana 
then residing for the time at Washington, and continued 
their labors here until the 15th of December. On the 
2 2d of December the examination of witnesses was re- 
sumed at New Orleans, and was closed in that city on 
the 3d of January, 1867; it was resumed at Washing- 
ton on the 15th of January, and finally closed on the 2d 
of February. The whole number of witnesses examined 
is 197; of which 159 were before the Committee at New 
Orleans. Of these forty-seven were examined at the re- 
quest of the citizens of that city. 

" There has been no occasion during our national his- 
tory when a riot has occurred so destitute of justifiable 
cause, resulting in a massacre so inhuman and fiend-like, 
as that which took place at New Orleans on the 30th of 
July last. 

" The character and position of the gentlemen — mem- 
bers of the Convention which had originally assembled 
in 1864 — who were the subjects ot the attack in common 
with the unoffending negroes, Avhose political condition, 
claims, and rights it was their ultimate purpose to con- 
sider and determine, give to the events of July signifi- 
cance and national imjjortance. 

" The massacre was begun and finished in mid-day ; 
and such proofs of preparation Avere disclosed that we 
are constrained to say that an intention, existing some- 
where, to disperse and to slaughter the members of the 
Convention, and those persons, white and black, who 



APPENDIX. 349 

were present and were friendly to its purposes, was mer- 
cilessly carried into full effect. What parties had formed 
that intention, and what other persons knowingly or un- 
wittingly co-operated with or aided them, the Committee 
has endeavored to ascertain. 

" The direct cause of the riots which resulted in the 
massacre of several members of the Convention and in 
the slaughter of many citizens of Louisiana was the re- 
assembling of that Convention pursuant to a call made 
by honorable R. K. Howell, acting as president jipro tem- 
pore. The Convention of 1864 had been held on the 
first Monday of April in that year, in pursuance of a 
proclamation issued by Major General N. P. Banks 
while in command of the department of the Gulf That 
portion of the proclamation which related to the Con- 
vention is as follows : 

" In order that the organic law of the State may be 
made to conform to the will of the people, and harmon- 
ize with the spirit of the age, as well as to maintain and 
preserve the ancient landmarks of civil and relio-ious 
liberty, an election of delegates to a Convention for the 
revision of the constitution will be held on the first Mon- 
day of April, 1864. The basis of representation, the 
number of delegates, and the details of election will be 
announced in future orders." 

It is in evidence before the Committee, and we find 
the fact to be, that the only action contemplated at the 
meeting of July 30th was the ascertainment ofiicially of 
existing vacancies ; and if a quorum of members should 
appear, it was proposed to postpone all further action 
until such vacancies should be filled and the writs of 
election for the choice of members from unrepresented 
districts should be complied with, and the whole State 



350 CONGEESSIONAL KEPORT. 

represented. These elections wei-e ordei-ed to be held 
on the tlurd day of September. The whole State being- 
represented, it "was then intended to consider certain 
articles in amendment of the Constitution, and have 
them submitted to the whole people for their action. If 
approved by the people, the Constitution, thus amended, 
was to be submitted to Congress. 

It Avas understood that two subjects of vital interest 
would call for discussion and decision, both of them af- 
fecting the elective franchise — one in limitation of the 
right, applying to certain classes of rebels who had 
Avaged war against the Government, and one enlarging 
the right, so as to enfranchise citizens who liad been 
during the rebellion at all times loyal to the Union, but 
Avho had been disqualified as A'oters by reason of their 
African descent. It Avas the ap]n-chcnsion that amend- 
ments of the State Constitution in these resi^ects A\'ould 
be recommended by the Convention, and finally ratified 
by the people, Avhicli created popular excitement. Obvi- 
ously no such amendments could be proposed for discus- 
sion in CouA'cntion until a quorum of its members should 
assemble, and the proof before the Committc is ample 
that no intention existed to take any action even then 
until after the election had been held, and delegates 
chosen from unrepresented districts. This time could 
not arriA^e until after the third of September ; but it Avas 
deemed safer by the parties Avho Avere opposed to the 
agitation or discussion of either of these questions to 
interrupt at once the proposed Convention. * * * 

THE KIOT. 

The riot and massacre of citizens, members of the 
Convention and others, Avhitc and colored, occured :.t 



APPENDIX. 351 

and near the hall of the Mechanics' Institute, on Dryades 
Street, commencing on Canal Street, at or near the cor- 
ner of Burgundy Street, between eleven and twelve 
o'clock on the morning of July 30th. 

The Committee examined seventy-four persons as to 
the facts of violence and bloodshed upon that da)\ It 
is in evidence that men who were in the hall, terrified by 
the merciless attacks of the armed police, sought safety 
by jumping from the windows, a distance of twenty 
feet, to the ground, and as they jumped were shot by 
police or citizens. Some, disfigured by wounds, fought 
their way down stairs to the street, to be shot or beaten 
to death on the pavement. Colored persons, at distant 
points in the city, peaceably pursuing their lawful busi- 
ness, were attacked by the police, shot, and cruelly 
beaten. Men of character and position, some of whom 
were members and some spectators of the Convention, 
escaped from the hall covered with wounds and blood, 
and were preserved almost by miracle from death. 
Scores of colored citizens bear frightful scars more 
numerous than many soldiers of a dozen well-fought 
fields can show — proofs of fearful danger and strange 
escape ; men Avere shot while waving handkerchiefs in 
token of surrender and submission; white men and 
black, with arms uplifted praying for life, were an- 
swered by shot and bloAV from knife and club ; the 
bodies of some were " pounded to a jelly ; " a colored 
man was dragged from under a street-crossing, and 
killed at a blow; men concealed in outhouses and among ; 
piles of lumber were eagerly sought for and slaughtei-ed 
or maimed without remorse; the dead bodies upon the 
street were violated by shot, kick, and stab ; the face 



352 CONGKESSIONAL REPOKT. 

of a man "just breatliing his last" was gashed by a 
knife or razor in the hands of a Avonian ; " an old, gray- 
haired man," peaceably walking the street at a distance 
from the Institute, was shot through the head ; negroes 
were taken out of their houses and shot ; a policeman 
riding in a buggy deliberately fired his revolver from 
the carriage into a crowd of colored men ; a colored man 
two miles away from the Convention hall was taken 
from his shop by the police, at about four o'clock on the 
afternoon of the riot, and shot and wounded in side, hip 
and back ; one man was wounded by fourteen blows, 
shots, aud stabs ; the body of another received seven 
pistol balls. After the slaughter had measureably 
ceased, carts, wagons and drays, driven through the 
streets, gathered the dead, the dying and the wounded 
in " promiscuous loads," a policeman, in some cases, 
riding in the wagon, seated upon the living men be- 
neath him. The wounded men, taken at first to the 
station-house or " lock-up," were all afterwards carried 
to the hospital. While at the station-houses, until 
friends found them with medical aid, they were left to 
suifer. When at the hospital, they were attended to 
with care and skill. But this was done at no cost to 
the city or to the State. Without asking permission, 
so far as the Committee learned, those wounded men 
were carried to the hospital under the care of the Freed- 
men's Bureau, and shelter, surgical treatment, and food 
were furnished at the cost of the United States. 

There was evidence before the Committee that for 
several hours, the police and mob, in mutual and bloody 
emulation, continued the butchery in the hall and on 
the street, until nearly two hundred people were killed 



APPENDIX, 353 

and wounded. The number was probably much larger 
than this ; but of that number the names and residences 
are known. Some were injured Avhose friends conveyed 
them at once quietly away. There is evidence tending 
to show that some who were killed were privately 
carried away and buried. One witness testified : " I 
saw a dray taking five or six of those who Avere 
wounded away. I heard a drayman say, "Where will 
I take them to ? ' And a policeman said, ' Throw them in 
the river.'" Several witnesses testify that the killed 
and wounded exceed two hundred. One witness says 
that he saw from forty to fifty killed. Another states 
that he saw from twenty to thirty carriage loads of 
killed and wounded. How many were killed will never 
be known. But we cannot doubt there were many more 
than are set down in the official list in evidence. 

THE EIOT NOT AN ACCIDENT, BUT PRE-ARRANGED. 

This riotous attack upon the Convention, with its 
terrible results of massacre and murder, was not* an 
accident. It was the determined purpose of the May or 
of the city of New Orleans to break up this Convention 
by armed force. 

We state one fact in this connection, significant both 
as bearing upon the question of preparation and as indi- 
cating the true and prevailing feeling of the people of 
New Orleans. Six months have passed since the Conven- 
tion assembled, when the massacre was perpetrated, and 
more than two hundred men were slain and wounded. 
This was done by city officials and New Orleans citi- 
zens. But not one of those men has been punished, 
arrested or complained of, These officers of the law 



354 CONGRESSIOXAL REPORT. 

living in the city, and known to that comnuinity, acting 
undoi- the eye of superiors, clothed with the uniform of 
office, and some of them known, as the pi'oof sliows, to 
the chief officer of police, have not only esca])ed ])unish- 
ment, but have been continued in their office. 

The gentlemen who composed the Convention have 
not, however, been permitted to escape. Prosecutions 
in the criminal court under an old law, i)assed in 1805, 
were at once commenced, and are now pending against 
them for a breach of the peace. These facts tend 
strongly to prove that the criminal actors in the tragedy 
of the day were the agents of more criminal employes, 
and demonstrate the general sympathy of the people in 
behalf of the men who did the wrong against those who 
suffiiredit. * * * * 

But the evidence establishing the fact of determina- 
tion to suppress the Convention, and ])ivparation for 
attack upon the members and those friends, Avhoever 
they might be, that should attend its meetings, is de- 
rived from many witnesses. 

Before the day arrived there was general denunciation 
of the Convention in diffisrent circles and in casual 
meetings on the streets ; wishes were expressed and ex- 
pectations declared that it should be dispersed ; anony- 
mous letters of warning and threatening violence were 
sent to several of the members and their friends ; a 
funeral notice, announcing in advance the death of the 
Convention, was posted in the streets on Sunday ; de- 
clarations were made that the "niggers and half niggers 
should be wiped out ; " members of one of the fire com- 
panies absent from the city on Sunday declared that 
they must return and be on hand the next day. They 



APPENDIX. 355 

paid, " Hay's brigade will all be there, and will clean 
out those damned Yankees." One man remarked, "I 
have spotted Dostie myself." (6375.) It was freely 
said, "We are going to hang Ilahn and Dostie ;" that 
" Xo man should come out of the Convention alive ; " 
that "We will show you what will happen to-day;" 
that " You will sec fun to-day ; " that " It is no sin to 
kill a nigger." 

" Fire engines were brought out, one of which had 
pistols in the box. Fire companies gathered near the 
Institiite at the same time from different parts of the 
city. In the early morning a man was ascertaining the 
names of those Avho were willing to aid in suppressing 
the meeting. A school Avas dismissed because there was 
to be a riot; badges of difterent kinds were worn l)y 
' citizens' in the street ; men were seen buying pistols and 
cartridges ; citizens encouraged the riot in different ways ; 
there were crowds of citizens at different parts of the 
street; they cheered and shouted for Jeff. Davis, and 
for Mr. Johnson. When the wounded men were ])rought 
iito the ' lock-up,' members of the city council cheered 
the policemen 'in their bloody Avork,' and finally, no one 
of the rioters, either policemen or citizens, has been com- 
plained of or punished. 

" On Sunday night the police were withdraAvn from 
their stations, that they might rest until Monday morn- 
ing, when they were ordered to report at their different 
headquarters. Early on Monday the whole police force, 
numbering between four and five hundred, were massed 
at different stations ; they Avere ordered to come armed, 
and arms were furnished to those Avho Avere Avithout 
hem ; the greater part of the police Avas kept at the 



356 COXGRESSIOXAL KEPORT. 

station-houses until the time arrived when their work 
should begin. Soon after noon an unusual 'alarm' was 
given — such as had been used when federal armies were 
investing the city — and then the combined police, headed 
by officers and firemen, Avith their companions, rushed 
with one will from difterent parts of the city toward 
the Institute, and the work of butchery commenced. In 
these acts of violence, police and fireman and citizen 
acted in concert. Different ' badges ' were worn on the 
streets ; many policemen had their liat bands reversed 
so that their ' numbers ' could not be distinguished. No 
effort was made by the mayor or chief of police to con- 
trol or check these men, but the slaughter was permitted 
until the end was gained. Facts of this description 
were put in proof with other circumstances, demonstrat- 
ing, as we judge, that the slaughter of these men was 
determined on by the chief executive officer of the city, 
and was prepared for by him on the night before the 
meeting was held." * * * 

THE MEETINGS ON FRIDAY EVENING — THE RIOTS NOT 
CAUSED BY THEM. 

"It is charged as a i^rominent and direct cause of 
these riots that incendiary and turbulent meetings were 
held on Friday evening, July 27. 

"On Saturday morning, July 28, Lieutenant Governor 
Voorhies and Attorney General Herron sent the follow- 
ing telegram to the President : 

" New Orleans, July 28, 1866. 
" President Johnson, Washington, D. C. : 

"Radical mass meeting composed mainly of large 
number of negroes last night, ending in a riot ; the com- 



APPENDIX. 357 

mittee of arrangements of said meeting assembling to- 
night. Violent and incendiary speeches made ; negroes 
called to arm themselves. You bitterly denounced. 
Si^eakers Field, Dostie, Hawkins, Henderson, Heistand, 
and others. Governor Wells arrived last night, br.t 
sides with the Convention movement. The whole mat- 
ter before the grand jury ; but impossible to execute 
civil process without certainty of riot. Contemplated 
to have the members of the Convention arrested under 
process from the criminal court of this district. Is the 
military to interfere to prevent process of court ? 
" Albert Vooriiies, 

Lieutenant Governor of Louisiana. 
" AisDREW S. Herron, 

Attorney General of Louisiana." 

"The committee inquired carefully hito the alleged 
facts upon which this telcijram was founded. There 
were three meetings upon this evening. One was held 
within the hall of the Institute, one outside the hall at 
the same time, and one at the City Hall, in the street, 
after the close of the former meetings. 

" The meetings at the Institute were held upon pub- 
lic notice to consider the questions which would ulti- 
mately come before the Convention. They were called 
by parties friendly to the objects of the Convention, and 
the speakers were well known as identified with the 
Union or radical party in Louisiana. 

" The following is substantially the testimony as to 
the character of these meetings: 

" John Ileistand : ' On the Friday night j^revious to 
tlic Convention there were public meetings in the city of 
Xew Orleans. Nothing was said or done at either 
place which, in my estimation, Avould authorize a magis- 
trate to bind the party over to keep the peace. I 



358 COXGRESSIOXAL KEPOKT. 

know of no disturbance (luring; that night.' An- 
swer S." 

Rufus Waples : " In the Hall on Friday night every- 
thing Avas well-beliaved ; no disturbenec whatever, and 
no unusual excitement." Answers '285 and 292. 

S. IS. Fish: '*! never lieard of any armed aid (to tlie 
Convention,) but had lieard it spoken of that caution 
should be used, not to have armed men there; and I 
know too that Dr. Dostie, who nearly always carried a 
revolver with him, that he took it from his person, 
and left it with a barber in this city, by whom he Avas 
accustomed to be shaved." AnsAver 442. " I heard tlie 
speaking inside, and nearly all outside the hall on the 
2Vth of July. I heard no request for any one to come 
armed as has been asserted. I was present when the 
meetmg was dissolved, and afterwards went with the 
procession in front of the City Hall, and was there when 
Dr. Dostie made the speech that is said to be inflam- 
matory. The meeting was orderly so far as any thing 
I saw. Xothing Avas said by Dr. Dostie as to the em- 
ployment of force. 

Charles S. Souvinet : " All the time I was up staii-s 
(Friday night) the meeting Avas orderly. I heard sev- 
eral speeches. As well as I can remember the ])urport 
of those speeches, Avere that the ConA'ention Avould be 
supported Avhen it should meet. It Avas composed, the 
speakers said, of loyal meai, and they Avould extend 
the right of suffrage to the loyal men, the colored peo- 
ple." Answer 534. 

Judge Howell testifies : " On Saturday evening pre- 
ceding the meeting of the ConA'ention, seA-eral gentle- 
men came into my house and told me that the general 



APPEXDIX. C59 

effect of the meeting of Friday evening was favorable to 
quiet." Answer 575. 

" Charles W. Gibbons called on Dr. Dostie and warned 
him on Monday moniing (July 30) that ' I had heard one 
policeman say to another, in a little gi-ocery on the 
corner of Custom-house street, on Sunday night, that 
' By G — d, we are going to hang Dostie and Hahn.' 
Dr. Dostie made the remark to me, ' I am going unarmed ; 
I know they want to take my life, but I think it a good 
cause to die in ; if they want to take my life they can do 
so.' Said I, 'you can do as you please. I thought it 
my duty to call and tell you, as, in your remarks at the 
meeting on Friday night, you told the people to come 
out and attend the Convention.' He said on that night, 
' Go home — go quietly — go orderly — behave yourselves, 
and if there is anybody, white or black, that disturbs 
you, protect yourselves.' " Answer 1 789. 

" Mr. Kichard L. Shelley, an intelligent witness, makes 
this conclusive statement : 

" I went out to the meeting held in front of the Me- 
chanics' Institute, and after Rev. Mi-. Horton had deliver- 
ed his speech, standing on the platform, within a few 
feet of Dr. Dostie, I listened attentively to the speech 
he made. There was nothing whatever in the remarks 
of Dr. Dostie which could be said to excite or invite in 
any way acts of hostility upon the part of the colored 
people against any of the white citizens of Xew Orleans. 
After the meeting had adjourned at the Mechanics' Insti- 
tute a procession was fonued Avith torch-lights and a 
band of music, and j^roceeded down Canal street to St. 
Charles, and then into Camp street and up to the City 
Hall. On the route to the City Hall some of the men 
comprising the procession were attacked by some white 
persons and maltreated. On arriving at the City Hall a 



360 CONGRESSIONAL REPORT. 

short speech was delivered by Dr. Dostie. Among other 
things, lie told them he felt very much pleased with the 
quiet and orderly manner in which they had conducted 
themselves, and regretted to learn that the procession 
had been attacked by a body of evil-disposed men. He 
recommended them to return quietly to their homes, and 
that if they were assailed and their lives put in jeopardy, 
he recommended that they should defend themselves to 
the extent of their ability. 

" 6793. Except at that time, was there anything in 
Dr. Dostie's speech calculated to excite animosity or hos- 
tile action? 

" No, sir, thei-e was not. 

"6794. At the meeting outside of the Mechanics' In- 
stitute, did Dr. Dostie say to the men to whom he was 
speaking that they all ought to fight for their votes; 
that they ought to come armed to the Convention, and 
that no cowards Averc wanted ; that the stones of the 
streets were crying out for the blood of rebels, or any 
expressions equivalent to these, or anything like them ? 

" I can swear that he made no such remarks. 

" In a public speech delivered at St. Louis, on the 8th 
of September, by President Johnson, the following 
charge Avas made : 

" The time has come when it seems to me that all 
ought to be prepared for j^eace — the rebellion being sup- 
pressed, and the shedding of blood being stopped, the 
sacrifice of life being suspended and stayed, it seems that 
the time has arrived Avhen Ave should have peace ; AA^hen 
the bleeding arteries should be tied up. [A voice : ' New 
Orleans ; go on.'] 

" Perhaps if you had a Avord or tAVO on the subject of 
New Orleans, you might understand more about it than 
you do. [Laughter and cheers.] And if you Avill go 
back [cries for ScAvard] — if you Avill go back and ascer- 
tain the cause of the riot at Ncav Orleans, perhaps you 
Avould not be so prompt in calling out Ncav Orleans. If 
you will take up the riot at New Oi'leans and trace it 



APPENDIX. 361 

back to its source, or to its immediate cause, you will 
find out who was responsible for the blood that was shed 
there. 

" If you will take up the riot at New Orleans and 
trace it back to the radical Congress [great cheering and 
-cries of 'bully,'] you will lind that the riot at New 
Orleans was substantially j^lanned — if you will take up 
the proceedings in their caucuses you will understand 
that they there knew [cheers] that a Convention was to 
be called which was extinct, by its powers having ex- 
pired ; that it Avas said, and the intention was, that a new 
government was to be organized ; and in the organiza- 
tion of that government the intention was to enfranchise 
one portion of the population, called the colored popula- 
tion, who had just been emancipated, and at the same 
time disfranchise white raen. [Great cheering.] When 
you begin to talk about New Orleans [confusion] you 
ought to understand what you are talking about. 

" When you read the speeches that were made, or take 
up the facts, (on Friday and Saturday before that Con- 
vention sat,) you Avill there find that speeches were made 
incendiary in their character, exciting that portion of 
the population, the black poj^ulation, to arm themselves 
and prepare for the shedding of blood. [A voice, 'That's 
so,' and cheers.] You will also find that that Conven- 
tion did assemble in violation of law, and the intention 
of that Convention was to supersede the recognized au- 
thorities in the State government of Louisiana, which 
had been recognized by the government of the United 
States, and every man engaged in that rebellion — in that 
Convention, Avith the intention of superseding and up- 
turning the civil gOA'ernment which had been recognized 
by the goA'ernment of the United States — I say that he 
Avas a traitor to the Constitution of the United States, 
[cheers,] and hence you will find that another rebellion 
was commenced, having its origin in the radical Con- 
gress. These raen were to go thci'c, a goA'ernment Avas 
to be organized, and the one in existence in Louisiana 



362 CONGRESSIONAL RKPOKT. 

was to be superseded, set aside, and overthrown. Yon 
talk to me about New Orleans ! And then the question 
was to come up, when they had established their govern- 
ment — a question of political power — which of the two 
governments was to be recognized ; a new government, 
inaugurated under this defunct Convention, set up in 
Auolation of law, and without the consent of the people. 
And then, when they had established their government, 
and extended universal or impartial franchise, as they 
called it, to this colored population, then this radical Con- 
gress was to determine that a government established on 
negro votes was to be the government of Louisiana. 
[Voices, 'Never,' and cheers, and ' Hurrah for Andy.'] 

" So much for the New Orleans riot ; and there was 
the cause and the origin of the blood that was shed, and 
every drop of blood that was shed upon their skirts, and 
they are responsible for it. [Cheers.] I could trace this 
thing a little closer, but I will not do it here to-night. 
But when you talk about New Orleans, and talk about 
the causes and consequences that resulted from proceed- 
ings of that kind, perhaps, as I have been introduced 
here, and you have provoked questions of this kind, 
though it don't provoke me, I Avill tell you a few whole- 
some things that has been done by this radical Congress. 
[Cheers."] 

Such charge from any other source would not have 
been considered. But the high position and public char- 
acter of Pi*esident Johnson have made it right to examine 
the grounds on which it rests. 

Before the 30th of July, Judge Howell, president 
pro tern, of the Convention, had been at Washington. 
While here he had conversation with several members of 
Congress in regard to the proposed meeting of the Con- 
vention. During his visit here there was a caucus held 
of the republican members of Congress. The testimony 
of Judge Howell disclosed all the encouragement he re- 



APPENDIX, 363 

ceivecl from Congress, and full proof has been given that 
at the caucus referred to no action concerning the Con- 
vention was taken or proposed. 

When President Johnson felt it to be his duty to 
make the charge above stated, the official report of Bre- 
vet Major General Baird to the Secretary of War had 
been laid before him, and the testimony taken before the 
military commission over which Brevet Major General 
Mower presided had been closed, and the report of the 
commission had been made. Congress was not in session 
at the time of the massacre. Its members were at their 
respective homes, and the committee fail to discover any 
grounds upon which so grave a charge should be made. 
It Avas an unwarranted and unjust expression of hostile 
feeling, without pretext or foundation in fact." 

ACTIOIf OF THE PRESIDENT. 

But it becomes important, in this connection, to bring 
into one view certain other facts. 

At and before the time when Lieutenant Governor 
Voorhies and Attorney General Herron sent the tele- 
graj^hic despatches of July 27 and July 28 to the Presi- 
dent, one or more jDcrsons were at Washington who had 
been commissioned by parties in Louisiana to communi- 
cate with the President to obtain from him aid in sujo- 
pressing the obnoxious Convention. J. Adolphus Pozier 
testifies : ' I left here on the Wednesday or Thursday 
previous to the riots. I arrived at Washington, I think, 
on Friday. I went to Washington at the request of 
members of the legislature here, also at the request of 
certain citizens, to see the President of the United States 
relative to the Convention of 1864.' (Answer 3306.) 
He further states that he saw the President and con- 



364 CONGRESSIONAL REPORT. 

fen-ed with his friends in NeAV Orleans by telegrapli ; 
(answer 3342;) tliat his object in going was to see how 
the Convention shoukl be prevented ; (answer 3343 ;) 
that his idea was to represent to him (the President) 
'exactly the state of things hei-e — -what this Convention 
of 1864 was; that its effects had been injurious to the 
interests of the State and the general government ; that 
the men who wished to reassemble this Convention were 
a revolutionary body : and I endeavored to imjjress upon 
the President my views that the civil authorities consti- 
tuted the only legal body to take charge of this affair, and, 
after proper indictment, to arrest the members of this 
illegal Convention, and that, after their arrest, in accord- 
ance with the usual forms of civil laAV, our Supreme 
Court would decide whether that Convention was a 
legal body or not.' 

The President was aj^prised when these telegrams 
were received, of the exact state of things at Xew Or- 
leans. He knew that Hon. R. K. Howell, president 
pro tern, of the Convention, had issued a proclamation 
for the reassembling of the Convention. He knew that 
Governor Wells, the acknowledged chief executive of 
the State of Louisiana, had issued writs of election to 
fill the vacancies in the Convention, and that certificates 
of election were to be forwarded to the office of the 
Secretary of State, He knew that these writs of elec- 
tion could not be complied with until after the 30th of 
July, when the first meeting was to take place, and that 
some time must elapse before the Convention could be 
full and the whole State represented. He knew that 
Governor Wells was at Xew Orleans, and that he con- 
curred and was co-operating with Judge Howell in 



APPEXDIX. 3G5 

assembling the Convention. He knew that it was con- 
templated to arrest the members of the Convention 
upon criminal process ; and being asked, ' Is the mili- 
tary to interfere to prevent the process of com-t?' the 
President replied by telegraphic note, not addressed to 
the governor of the State, but to the lieutenant govei*- 
nor, as follows : 

" Executive ^Maxsiox, 
Washington, D. C, July 28, 1866. 
" To Albert Voorhies, Lieutenant Governor of Louisi- 
ana, Xew Orleans, Louisiana : 
" The military will be expected to sustain and not to 
obstruct or interfere vrith the proceedings of the Court. 
A dispatch on the subject of the Convention, was sent 
to Governor Wells this morning. 

" AXDKEW JOHXSOX." 

The effect of this dispatch was to assure Lieutenant 
Governor Voorhies and those acting with him, that they 
would have the support of the President in their pro- 
posed action. 

The President knew the condition of affairs in Louisi- 
ana, in July last, he knew that " rebels " and " thugs," 
and disloyal men had controlled the election of Mayor 
Monroe, and that such men composed, chiefly, his police 
force; he knew that Mayor Monroe, then an unpardoned 
rebel, had been after his election suspended from dis- 
charging the duties of his oflice by military order ; he 
knew that he himself had subsequently pardoned him; 
he must have known the rebel antecedents of Albert 
Voorhies and A. S. Hen-on ; he knew that riot and 
bloodshed were apprehended ; he knew what military 
orders were in force ; and yet without the knowledge of 
the Secretary of War, or of the general of our armies 



366 CONGRESSIONAL REPORT. 

upon whose immediate responsibility those military or- 
ders had been issued, he gave directions by telegraph 
which, enforced, as it was intended they should be, 
would have compelled our soldiers to aid the rebels 
against the men in New Orleans who had remained 
loyal during the war, and sought to aid and to supjDort, 
by official sanction, the persons who designed to sup- 
press by arrest on criminal process and under color of 
law the meeting of the Convention ; and that although 
this Convention was called with the sanction of the 
governor and by one of the judges of the Supreme Court 
of Louisiana claiming to act as president of the Con- 
vention. 

The effect of the action of fhe President was to 
encourage the heart, to strengthen the hand, and to hold 
up the arms of those men who intended to prevent the 
Convention from assembling. 

In their disclosed intention to arrest, by police or 
sheriff, the members of the Convention, they were as- 
sured of his support and aid. And it was believed with 
good reason, that whatever steps the Mayor should take, 
in his office and under color of law, to suppress the meet- 
ing of the Convention, would have the sanction of the 
President. 

If the telegram of General Baird to the Secretary 
of War, of July 28th, had been communicated to the 
President, we know froin the telegraphic message which 
he sent on that day to Governor Voorhies, that such 
directions would have been given as would in fact have 
required General Baird to sustain by military force what 
was called the civil authorities — that is to say, the 
Mayor and his police. 



APPENDIX. 367 

If, then, the armed police had engaged in the work 
of slaughter which destroyed the Convention, the sol- 
diers of the army of the United States would have been 
charged with the resi^onsibility of the act. 

GENERAL BAIRd's DESPATCH. 

The fact that the telegram from General Baird had 
not been communicated to the President has been the 
subject of comment, and we give in this connection the 
statement made by the Secretary of War in relation to 
that matter. Mr. Stanton says : 

That on the forenoon of Sunday, the 29th of July 
last, I received at my residence in this city a telegram 
from General Bau'd, commanding at New Orleans a 
copy of wliich is hereto attached. This telegram was 
the first information communicated to me that a Con- 
vention was to be held at New Orleans, or that there 
was any difference or controversy on the subject of a 
Convention or assemblage to be held there. From the 
telegram of General Baird it appeared that the Conven- 
tion^ was to meet with the sanction of the Governor of 
Louisiana, that its legality was questioned by persons 
who proposed to break it up by arresting the members, 
and that General Baird had warned the city authorities 
that he would not permit this to be done without instruc- 
tions from the President, and he applied to me for in- 
structions. There was no intimation in the telegram 
that force or violence was threatened by those opposed 
to the Convention, or that it was apprehended by Gene- 
ral Baird. Upon consideration, it appeared to me that 
his warning to the city authorities Avas all that the case 
then required, for I saw no reason to instruct him to 
withdraw protection from a Convention sanctioned by 



368 COKGRESSIONAL REPORT. 

the Governor, and in tlie event of any attempt at arrest, 
General Baird's interference would bring up the case 
with all the facts for such instructions as might be 
proper, and in the meantime, under his general au- 
thority, lie would take measures to maintain the peace 
witliin his command. On Tuesday, the 31st of July, 
the morning papers contained telegraphic despatches in 
respect to the occurrences at New Orleans, and on the 
same day I was informed of the communication that had 
passed between the President and Governor Wells, 
Lieutenant Governor Voorhies, and Attorney General 
Kerron." 

Mr. Stanton had heard nothing of the Convention ; 
had no knowledge of Mr. Rozier's presence in Washing- 
ton or intervicAvs witli the President; had not been in- 
formed of tlie President's telegraphic correspondence, 
and saw no reason why General Baird should have new 
instructions, or why conference with tlie President was 
required. 

THE RIGHT OF THE CONVENTION TO ASSEMBLE. 

Had the citizens who were members of the Convention 
of 1864 a legal right peaceably to assemble on the 30th 
July, 1866? Judge Abell, of the first district court of 
New Orleans, denies their right, and in his charge to the 
Grand Jury on July 3d, 1866, he says: "I charge you 
that the Constitution makes no provision for the 
continuance of the Convention of 1864; that any eftbrt 
on the part of tliat defunct body to assemble for the 
purpose of altering or amending the Constitution is 
subversive of good order and dangerous to the peace of 
the State, and that any overt act tending to subvert the 



APPENDIX. 3G9 

Constitution by any officers of the State, renders them 
liable to the Criminal Code of the State. It is my duty 
and your duty to oppose factional usurpation and stand 
by the reconstruction policy adopted by the President of 
the United States, Avhich proposed at once to unite the 
country and make it great and prosperous." 

COXDITION OF AFFAIRS IX LOUISIANA. 

What is the condition of affiiirs in Louisiana, and 
Avhat legislative action should be had? It -has been 
made the duty of the Committee to report to the House 
i;pon both these questions. 

"The present Constitution of Louisiana was held to be 
ratified by the suiFi-ages of the people on the 5th day of 
September, 1864, and has hitherto been accepted, Avil- 
lingly or otherwise, as the organic law of the State. It 
was the result of military action deemed at the time 
essential to the proper civil government of the State. 
The justice or expediency or legality of that action have 
not been subjects of inqiiiiy by the Committee. Pos- 
sibly, if the general surrender of rebel armies and the 
entire annihilation of rebel organizations, civil and mili- 
tary, had not occurred as it did, or having occurred, if 
civil rule could have been retained in loyal hands, and 
A'anquished traitors at least .not pardoned and paid for 
treason, the strength of loyalty would have been in- 
creased, and the body of the people, disloyal theretofore 
by reason of public pressure, or moral duress, or mili- 
tary force, would have returned to their allegiance and 
sustained witli heart the Government tliey had fought 
against, but which had at all times treated them with 
parental kindness. And when the surrender was fresh, 



3V0 CONGRESSIONAL EEPORT, 

and the defeated leaders had yielded np the sword and 
political traitors were fleeing from the land or seeking 
quiet away from public life, such did appear to be the 
well-founded hope of loyal men and the promise of the 
near future. But it began to be soon apparent that trea- 
son, defeated and disarmed, was to have one chance 
more to retrieve its fortunes. Under the provisions of 
an act of Congress entitled to be and designed as an 
act to suj)press rebellion, but conferring, in one of its 
sections, . power upon the President, before conviction 
had, or charge or complaint made, to grant amnesty and 
pardon, the people of Louisiana found that pardons Avere 
granted and properties restored to rebels who had held 
high office, military and civil, and that a polic}' was 
being pursued which discountenanced punishment and 
looked to speedy restoration to political favor and 
offices of trust of the men who had been active in field 
and in council in support of the rebellion. 

There were at this time large bodies of men return- 
ing to their homes in Louisiana, wlio were, when the 
Constitution of 1864 was ratified, in the armies of the 
rebel government. There were at home large numbers 
of men who had in difierent ways supported the re- 
bellion. Among both of these classes were many men 
who would have been found and would have remained 
loyal if it had not appeared to them that the Chief 
Executive Magistrate was disposed to pardon and to 
honor by office and political favor their military and 
civil leaders. And the efiect of this policy became ap- 
parent in the language and deportment of the people. 
At first willing to yield and to return to true allegi- 
ance, they became assuming, bold and defiant. Under 



APPENDIX. 371 

the Constitution of 1864 these men claimed to be re- 
stored to political rights and to vote at the polls ; and 
so it came to pa§s that substantially all governmental au- 
thority, most of the offices in the State, and all legisla- 
tive and municipal power have been conferred upon 
' returned rebels ' and are now controlled by them. 
This is eminently true in the city of New Orleans, where 
known and distinguished rebels, and only such as they, 
occupy the chief places of trust and power. The Mayor, 
confessedly a bold and bad man, who was also mayor 
during the rebellion and mai-lced for violent and bitter 
hatred of the government of the Union and of men Avho 
loved the government, both white and black, of southern 
or of northern birth, is now Mayor of the city by the 
choice of the people of New Orleans, The High Sheriff, 
General Hays, was an active officer in the rebellion. He 
was in service at the time of the surrender in April, 
1865, and has filled his present office since the early 
part of 1866. All the appointees of the Mayor, the 
whole constabulary and police force, with almost no 
exception, are composed of men who have rendered 
efficient service against the United States Government. 
There have been more than ninety witnesses examined, 
who speak of the condition of affairs in Louisiana, and 
of the sentiment toward and treatment of Union men, 
known to be such in the community where tliey live. 
Of these forty-seven were called at the request of the 
committee of citizens, who desired to vindicate the 
character of their city and to establish the loyalty of 
the State. On the part of these witnesses there was a 
general expression of satisfaction with the policy of the 
President. It was stated by most of them that the fact 



372 CONGRESSIONAL REPORT. 

of "being a Union man was no liindrance to success in 
business. Mi*. Jacob Barker said that 'men of every 
party and description patronize my bank. I do not 
think there is any difference.' The opinion was given 
by most of these witnesses that it would be safe and 
judicious to withdraw the military forces and the Freed- 
men's Bureau and to admit Representatives to seats in 
Congress. 

We have examined with care and weighed the proofs 
on either side. We have come to clear conclusions, which 
we believe to be accurate and just. 

THE LEGISLATIVE REMEDY REQUIRED. 

In view of tlie facts proved we are constrained to say 
that the time has fully arrived when Congress should 
intervene and should so legislate as to secure to the 
people of Louisiana a republican form of government. 
The condition of things existing there cannot continue 
consistently with the safety, security, or peace of loyal 
men. 

Since the surrender of the rebel armies rebellion has 
assumed another form, and now controls the government 
through the same agencies that led tliose armies in time 
of war. 

Durino; the rebellion there were laro-e numbers of 
men who remained steadfast to the government. In the 
midst of treason they were found loyal. While armed 
traitors Avere in the field contending with loj^al armies 
and struggling to destroy the nation, these men, at per- 
sonal peril, and despite of obloquy which construed 
loyalty to the Union to be treason to the State, con- 
tinued firm in their alleofiance. 



APPENDIX. 373 

These men are now made to feel the vengeance of 
unrepentant although it may be, pardoned rebels, and 
in person, property, and life are exposed tc continual 
attack. Nothing but the pressure of military power at 
this moment measurably protects them from injury. It 
does not protect them from insult, from social ostracism, 
or the supercilious arrogance of men accustomed to own 
the labor they employed. 

If the government ought to protect its constant 
friends against men who were its constant enemies, the 
obligation is disclosed to adopt and enforce such legisla- 
tive action as the facts existing in Louisiana require. 

When men are driven from their homes and their 
lives threatened and their property destroyed ; when, in 
business, they are proscribed ; when recent rebels hold all 
places of trust, and, having power, use it to oppress and 
punish loyal men because they are and have been loyal ; 
when the whole body of colored men, who have never 
flinched from duty as radical loyalists when the days 
were gloomiest and the dangers greatest in the time 
of war, are persecuted by system, hunted like wild 
beasts, and slaughtered without mercy and with entire 
impunity from punishment; there is no room left for 
doubt that some legislative remedy should be applied. 

These are matters of fact and not of opinion; and, in 
our judgment, but one course is open, and that should 
pursued without hesitation or delay. 

According to the judgment of all who have felt the 
pressure of rebel rule, and have stood firmly and fear- 
lessly for the Union when treason was nearest to suc- 
cess ; whose judgment, given upon oath, is based upon 
facts within personal experience ; who give opinions 



374 CONGRESSIONAL KEPORT. 

resting on knowledge, and speak of what they have seen 
and know ; the present civil government of Louisiana, 
existing without sanction of national law, should be 
superseded by act of Congress, and a provisional gov- 
ernment, established and maintained by military power 
until the time has come when Louisiana is controlled by 
loyal men, and may be restored to her former ' practical 
relations to the Union ' without endangering its security 
and 23eace. 

The war was conducted on the part of the Govern- 
ment to prevent her from permanently disuniting the 
States of the Union. Now, the end of war is peace, 
and the peace to be established must be secured in view 
of the requirements of the Constitution itself. 

Until a loyal State of Louisiana exists in full po- 
litical accord with the United States, and the demand 
of the Constitution is complied with that a government 
republican in form shall be guaranteed to the State, the 
objects of the war will not have been attained. 

To accomplish that end the condition of aifairs in 
Louisiana requires the temporary establishment of a pro- 
visional government. 

By the loyal people of Louisiana such constitution 
must be ordained and such civil government formed as 
will assure to the Republic a loyal and free State, woi-thy 
of a place within the Union. 

In the mean time the safety of all Union men withm 
the State demands that such government be formed for 
their protection, for the well-being of the Nation, and 
the permanent peace of the Republic. 

Thomas D. Eliot. 
Sam'l Shellabarger." 



The exposure of the powerful and the protection of the weak ; 
these are not only invaluable liberties, but commanding duties. 

At last the country sees that Andrew Johnson, who came to 
supreme power by a bloody accident, has become the successor of 
Jeflferson Davis in the spirit by which he is governed, and in the 
mischief he is inflicting on his country. 

Pardon me if I read a brief lesson : 

"The dogmaa of the past are inadequate to the stormy present. The 
occasion is piled high with difficulty and we must rise with the occasion. 
As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act anew. We must disen 
thrall ourselyes, and then we shall save our country." 

These are the words of Abraham Lincoln. Let us heed the 
lesson. — Churles Quinucr, Senate Chamber, January 1 8<A, IBS'/. 



"^^rocr^ 



